陳(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍祖上(shang)世代務農,父(fu)(fu)親(qin)陳(chen)所(suo)聞(wen)(wen),以文學(xue)(xue)名(ming)(ming)(ming)江南,萬歷四十七年(nian)(nian)(nian)中(zhong)進士,官至刑、工兩部侍(shi)郎(lang)。陳(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍于(yu)萬歷三(san)十六年(nian)(nian)(nian)六月初一出生,父(fu)(fu)親(qin)為(wei)其(qi)取名(ming)(ming)(ming)為(wei)介。不(bu)久(jiu)后(hou),其(qi)母告訴(su)其(qi)父(fu)(fu),在(zai)生子(zi)(zi)當晚,夢見房間壁上(shang)有(you)龍出現,“蜿(wan)蜒(yan)有(you)光”,其(qi)父(fu)(fu)因此改其(qi)名(ming)(ming)(ming)為(wei)“子(zi)(zi)龍”。五歲時(shi)(shi)(shi),生母病(bing)逝(shi),使其(qi)受到(dao)很大打擊(ji)。六歲入學(xue)(xue),勤治經史,力攻章句。天啟(qi)三(san)年(nian)(nian)(nian)(1623年(nian)(nian)(nian)),十六歲的子(zi)(zi)龍舉童子(zi)(zi)試(shi)(shi),縣試(shi)(shi)中(zhong)名(ming)(ming)(ming)居第二,府(fu)(fu)試(shi)(shi)也位(wei)居高等,但在(zai)院試(shi)(shi)中(zhong)落選。次(ci)(ci)年(nian)(nian)(nian)再(zai)次(ci)(ci)在(zai)院試(shi)(shi)中(zhong)落選,直到(dao)十八歲時(shi)(shi)(shi),第三(san)次(ci)(ci)參加童子(zi)(zi)試(shi)(shi),才(cai)獲(huo)得成功,成為(wei)生員(yuan)(“秀才(cai)”)。時(shi)(shi)(shi)大批廷臣(chen)因為(wei)反對魏忠(zhong)賢,紛(fen)紛(fen)被削職為(wei)民或(huo)逮之獄死(si)。陳(chen)所(suo)聞(wen)(wen)告病(bing)在(zai)家,每閱(yue)邸報,扼腕嘆息,教(jiao)陳(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍剖(pou)析邪正,明(ming)辨是非。天啟(qi)五年(nian)(nian)(nian)(1625年(nian)(nian)(nian)),他(ta)先后(hou)與本郡夏允彝、徐孚遠、周立勛(xun)、宋征璧以及蘇州、嘉興等府(fu)(fu)的一些文人學(xue)(xue)士結為(wei)好友(you),切(qie)磋學(xue)(xue)術,議論(lun)時(shi)(shi)(shi)務,后(hou)來大都成為(wei)明(ming)季江南黨社運動的骨(gu)干分子(zi)(zi)。天啟(qi)六年(nian)(nian)(nian)(1626年(nian)(nian)(nian)),補松江府(fu)(fu)學(xue)(xue)生員(yuan)。父(fu)(fu)親(qin)病(bing)歿,居家守孝,閉門不(bu)出,博覽群書,尤(you)其(qi)致(zhi)力于(yu)古文詞。
崇禎元年(nian)(nian)(nian)(1628年(nian)(nian)(nian)),陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍二(er)(er)(er)十(shi)一歲,與(yu)湖(hu)廣寶慶府邵陽知(zhi)縣張軌端之(zhi)(zhi)女結為夫妻。崇禎二(er)(er)(er)年(nian)(nian)(nian),夏(xia)允彝、杜麟征二(er)(er)(er)人(ren)在松(song)江(jiang)組織(zhi)“幾(ji)社(she)”。“幾(ji)者,絕學(xue)(xue)有再興(xing)之(zhi)(zhi)幾(ji),而得(de)知(zhi)幾(ji)其(qi)神之(zhi)(zhi)義也。”最初入社(she)者有周立勛、徐孚遠、彭賓三人(ren)。陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍“甫(fu)弱冠,聞(wen)是(shi)(shi)舉也,奮然來(lai)歸(gui)。諸(zhu)君子(zi)(zi)以年(nian)(nian)(nian)少訝之(zhi)(zhi),乃(nai)其(qi)才學(xue)(xue)則已精通經史,落(luo)紙驚人(ren),遂成(cheng)六子(zi)(zi)之(zhi)(zhi)數”,世稱“幾(ji)社(she)六子(zi)(zi)”。幾(ji)社(she)和其(qi)他文社(she)一樣,起初是(shi)(shi)通過以文會(hui)友,選擇(ze)知(zhi)己,學(xue)(xue)習(xi)制藝,后(hou)來(lai)隨著政治(zhi)形勢的變化,逐漸演(yan)變成(cheng)一股政治(zhi)勢力。幾(ji)社(she)成(cheng)立后(hou)匯刻(ke)八股文范(fan)本《幾(ji)社(she)壬申文選》,集(ji)六子(zi)(zi)之(zhi)(zhi)文,人(ren)各六十(shi)首(shou)。又(you)刻(ke)《幾(ji)社(she)會(hui)義初集(ji)》、《二(er)(er)(er)集(ji)》、《三集(ji)》、《四集(ji)》、《五(wu)集(ji)》,幾(ji)社(she)的聲勢由(you)此大振。陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍的名氣(qi)亦因(yin)之(zhi)(zhi)日重(zhong),“問業(ye)者日進,戶外屨滿”。崇禎三年(nian)(nian)(nian)(1630年(nian)(nian)(nian))秋,赴(fu)南京應南直隸鄉試(shi),中(zhong)(zhong)舉人(ren)。同(tong)年(nian)(nian)(nian),赴(fu)京師參加次年(nian)(nian)(nian)春的會(hui)試(shi),“為省(sheng)中(zhong)(zhong)某公所黜”,周延儒(ru)(ru)建(jian)議朝(chao)(chao)廷重(zhong)新(xin)檢閱(yue)被廢(fei)黜考生(sheng)試(shi)卷(juan),朝(chao)(chao)廷同(tong)意,開始重(zhong)審,陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍答卷(juan)受到文安之(zhi)(zhi)、倪元璐賞識,周延儒(ru)(ru)“欲置異等”,但因(yin)陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍卷(juan)子(zi)(zi)存在涂抹,周害(hai)怕(pa)被政敵溫體仁借機攻訐(jie),放棄錄取,于是(shi)(shi)陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍落(luo)第歸(gui)里(li),從事古(gu)文詞(ci)。又(you)作書數萬言(yan),極論(lun)時政得(de)失,本欲上奏(zou)朝(chao)(chao)廷,被當時松(song)江(jiang)名士陳(chen)(chen)繼儒(ru)(ru)戒之(zhi)(zhi)而止。
崇(chong)禎七年(nian)春,再度(du)應會試,因此(ci)(ci)次主(zhu)管(guan)錄(lu)取(qu)的(de)是溫體仁,溫體仁極度(du)排斥復社成員,這(zhe)一年(nian)復社成員被錄(lu)取(qu)人(ren)數急劇減少(shao),陳子(zi)龍自然(ran)落榜。受此(ci)(ci)重大打擊,陳子(zi)龍幾乎心灰意(yi)冷,回家閉門(men)謝客,“專意(yi)于學(xue)問”,作古詩樂(le)府百余章。接著,在松(song)江南園讀書、寫作,成《屬玉堂集》、《平露堂集》。
崇禎十年,第(di)三次北上,與夏允彝同中進(jin)士,俱在丙科(三甲),當就外(wai)吏。陳子龍(long)選得(de)廣東惠州府司理,未抵(di)任而聞繼母(mu)亡,回家治喪。
此(ci)時(shi)關外清(qing)軍壓力與(yu)關內饑民(min)起義使得(de)本已衰朽的明王朝已危在旦夕,同時(shi)促使一(yi)批(pi)憂國(guo)憂民(min)的知(zhi)識分(fen)子對(dui)王陽(yang)明后學的空(kong)談誤國(guo)產生(sheng)強烈的不滿,大聲(sheng)疾呼“經世(shi)致用”,以(yi)改變殘酷的社會現實,陳子龍就是其中(zhong)的一(yi)位典型代(dai)表。這(zhe)一(yi)時(shi)期,他為(wei)古代(dai)中(zhong)國(guo)科(ke)學與(yu)文(wen)化的發展做了兩件極有意義的事情(qing)。
崇禎十一(yi)年(1638年)夏,陳子龍(long)(long)以(yi)(yi)“君子之學,貴于(yu)識時;時之所(suo)急,務(wu)(wu)之恐后(hou)”的(de)(de)緊迫感,與徐孚遠(yuan)、宋徵璧一(yi)起,取明(ming)朝(chao)名卿大臣“有涉(she)世(shi)務(wu)(wu)、國政”之文(wen)(wen),“擷其(qi)精英”,“又旁采以(yi)(yi)助(zhu)高深(shen)”,“志(zhi)在(zai)征實”,輯(ji)成《皇明(ming)經(jing)(jing)世(shi)文(wen)(wen)編(bian)》,凡(fan)五百(bai)零四卷,又補(bu)遺四卷。是書(shu)選文(wen)(wen)以(yi)(yi)明(ming)治亂、存異同、詳軍事、重(zhong)經(jing)(jing)濟為原則(ze),內容十分(fen)豐富,包括政治、軍事、賦役、財經(jing)(jing)、農(nong)田、水利(li)、學校文(wen)(wen)化、典章制(zhi)度等等,并(bing)根據當時接觸到的(de)(de)許多(duo)現實問題(ti),對(dui)其(qi)中一(yi)些文(wen)(wen)章加作(zuo)旁注,表達了(le)編(bian)者的(de)(de)政治主張。陳子龍(long)(long)等人編(bian)輯(ji)此書(shu)的(de)(de)動機和目的(de)(de),是為了(le)“上以(yi)(yi)備一(yi)代(dai)之典則(ze),下以(yi)(yi)資后(hou)學之師法”,試(shi)圖通(tong)過自己的(de)(de)努力(li),扭轉(zhuan)“俗儒(ru)是古(gu)而非今,擷華而舍實”,不務(wu)(wu)實際(ji)的(de)(de)壞風(feng)氣。它是一(yi)部(bu)“從(cong)歷史(shi)實際(ji)出發,總結了(le)明(ming)朝(chao)兩(liang)百(bai)幾十年統治經(jing)(jing)驗,企圖從(cong)中得出教訓,用(yong)以(yi)(yi)改變當前(qian)現實、經(jing)(jing)世(shi)致用(yong)之書(shu)。這部(bu)書(shu)的(de)(de)編(bian)輯(ji)出版(ban),對(dui)當時的(de)(de)文(wen)(wen)風(feng)、學風(feng)是一(yi)個嚴重(zhong)的(de)(de)挑戰,對(dui)稍后(hou)黃宗羲、顧炎武等人講(jiang)求經(jing)(jing)世(shi)實用(yong)之學,也起了(le)先行的(de)(de)作(zuo)用(yong)”。
繼后,陳(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍(long)整理了徐(xu)光(guang)(guang)啟(qi)的(de)農(nong)(nong)(nong)學(xue)巨(ju)著《農(nong)(nong)(nong)政(zheng)(zheng)全(quan)書(shu)》。徐(xu)光(guang)(guang)啟(qi)負經(jing)(jing)(jing)(jing)世(shi)之(zhi)志,“其生(sheng)平所(suo)學(xue),博(bo)究(jiu)天人(ren),而皆主(zhu)于實用(yong)。至(zhi)于農(nong)(nong)(nong)事,尤(you)所(suo)用(yong)心。蓋以為(wei)生(sheng)民率育之(zhi)源,國家富強之(zhi)本(ben)”。對于徐(xu)光(guang)(guang)啟(qi)的(de)為(wei)人(ren)和學(xue)問,陳(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍(long)向來是(shi)十(shi)分(fen)敬(jing)佩的(de),早年曾到北京拜訪他,“問當世(shi)之(zhi)務”。徐(xu)光(guang)(guang)啟(qi)謝世(shi)后,陳(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍(long)從(cong)其次孫徐(xu)爾爵處得(de)《農(nong)(nong)(nong)書(shu)》草(cao)稿(gao)數十(shi)卷,日夜抄錄。崇禎十(shi)二(er)年(1639年),“慨然以富國化(hua)民之(zhi)本(ben)在是(shi),遂刪其繁(fan)蕪,補其缺(que)略”。“大約刪者(zhe)十(shi)之(zhi)三,增者(zhe)十(shi)之(zhi)二(er)”,燦然成《農(nong)(nong)(nong)政(zheng)(zheng)全(quan)書(shu)》六十(shi)卷。并作《凡例》,概述《農(nong)(nong)(nong)政(zheng)(zheng)全(quan)書(shu)》基(ji)本(ben)宗旨、各篇主(zhu)要內容、思(si)想淵源和徐(xu)光(guang)(guang)啟(qi)的(de)獨到見解。同時抒發了他本(ben)人(ren)的(de)社會經(jing)(jing)(jing)(jing)濟主(zhu)張。編(bian)(bian)輯(ji)《皇明經(jing)(jing)(jing)(jing)世(shi)文(wen)編(bian)(bian)》和整理《農(nong)(nong)(nong)政(zheng)(zheng)全(quan)書(shu)》,是(shi)陳(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍(long)一(yi)生(sheng)中在經(jing)(jing)(jing)(jing)世(shi)實用(yong)方面兩項最(zui)主(zhu)要的(de)貢獻。從(cong)中也可以看出(chu)他對“經(jing)(jing)(jing)(jing)世(shi)”,即現實社會經(jing)(jing)(jing)(jing)濟問題,特別是(shi)農(nong)(nong)(nong)業生(sheng)產是(shi)何(he)等的(de)重視。
此(ci)后,陳(chen)子(zi)龍曾一度“欲絕仕宦”,在家(jia)“廣其宅,示無志四方也”。然而,面對(dui)著明末農民(min)大起(qi)義(yi)的(de)(de)(de)燎原之勢和(he)清軍(jun)的(de)(de)(de)步步進(jin)逼,為挽救明朝國運,最終還是放棄(qi)個人打算(suan),于(yu)崇禎(zhen)十(shi)三(san)年(1640)六(liu)月(yue)(yue),出任浙(zhe)(zhe)江紹興府司理(li),不久開始兼(jian)代理(li)諸暨(ji)知(zhi)縣(xian)。在官之日(ri),由(you)于(yu)他的(de)(de)(de)轄區連年水(shui)患成災(zai),饑(ji)民(min)蜂起(qi),為了維護(hu)當(dang)(dang)地社會穩定,他剛(gang)柔并用,剿撫(fu)兼(jian)施,一邊(bian)“力行保(bao)甲,設(she)(she)互首之法,申(shen)連坐之令”,平定饑(ji)民(min)暴動(dong)(dong);一邊(bian)親司賑事,救濟(ji)饑(ji)民(min),立粥廠,設(she)(she)藥局,養(yang)老幼(you),醫(yi)病(bing)疾,收死(si)骨,救活(huo)十(shi)幾萬人。十(shi)五年(1642年)五月(yue)(yue),在浙(zhe)(zhe)江巡(xun)撫(fu)董象恒(heng)節制(zhi)下(xia),陳(chen)子(zi)龍督(du)撫(fu)標兵(bing)千(qian)余人到浙(zhe)(zhe)江遂昌縣(xian),積極參(can)加浙(zhe)(zhe)、贛、閩三(san)省會剿,平定多年來活(huo)動(dong)(dong)在三(san)省交界處(chu)的(de)(de)(de)福建汀(ting)州人邱凌霄父子(zi)為首的(de)(de)(de)山(shan)民(min)暴動(dong)(dong)。崇禎(zhen)十(shi)六(liu)年春,李(li)自成起(qi)義(yi)軍(jun)破(po)承德,南(nan)京大震。他受(shou)董象恒(heng)委派負(fu)責籌劃軍(jun)備,在余杭等地筑關建臺(tai),整修(xiu)城池,鑄炮儲硝,并督(du)運軍(jun)糧入南(nan)京。崇禎(zhen)十(shi)七年初,陳(chen)子(zi)龍因招撫(fu)浙(zhe)(zhe)江東(dong)陽(yang)縣(xian)諸生許都暴動(dong)(dong)有功,授兵(bing)科給事中。但許都投降(jiang)后,由(you)于(yu)浙(zhe)(zhe)江巡(xun)按左(zuo)光先不顧陳(chen)子(zi)龍的(de)(de)(de)再(zai)三(san)要(yao)求(qiu),違背(bei)當(dang)(dang)初許下(xia)的(de)(de)(de)只要(yao)許都自縛來降(jiang),“當(dang)(dang)待以不死(si)”的(de)(de)(de)諾言,在許都率眾出山(shan)投降(jiang)之后將(jiang)許都及部(bu)眾六(liu)十(shi)余人殺(sha)死(si)。對(dui)此(ci),陳(chen)子(zi)龍很是不滿;又聞祖母病(bing)甚(shen)篤,便沒(mei)有去赴任,于(yu)三(san)月(yue)(yue)乞(qi)身歸里(li)。
崇(chong)禎(zhen)十七年(nian),李(li)自成(cheng)攻(gong)破北(bei)京,崇(chong)禎(zhen)帝自縊(yi)身亡。明(ming)朝(chao)(chao)滅亡。緊接著(zhu)吳三桂引(yin)清軍入(ru)關,李(li)自成(cheng)潰敗。陳(chen)子龍正(zheng)準備北(bei)上時,聽到崇(chong)禎(zhen)死(si)訊。不久后(hou),福王(wang)朱由崧在南(nan)京監國,不久后(hou)稱帝,即(ji)史上之弘光(guang)政權。陳(chen)子龍在黃(huang)道周的推薦下,以崇(chong)禎(zhen)時授的兵(bing)科(ke)給事中(zhong)職(zhi)(zhi)務(wu)在弘光(guang)朝(chao)(chao)廷任職(zhi)(zhi)。兵(bing)科(ke)給事中(zhong)雖(sui)然只(zhi)是(shi)七品,但是(shi)可以直(zhi)議國防要務(wu),陳(chen)子龍在朝(chao)(chao)50多(duo)天,上書30多(duo)次(ci),提出大量有(you)價值的建議,但是(shi)弘光(guang)帝沉溺酒色(se),無心復(fu)國,只(zhi)求(qiu)偏安。陳(chen)子龍對朝(chao)(chao)政失望之極,同(tong)時由于自己的直(zhi)言觸犯了馬士英(ying)、阮大鋮等人,受到排擠,因此借故辭職(zhi)(zhi)回(hui)鄉。次(ci)年(nian)清軍在漢奸將領協助下,迅(xun)速南(nan)下。弘光(guang)朝(chao)(chao)覆滅,福王(wang)喪命。
辭職后,陳(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)(long)(long)避地(di)泖(mao)(mao)濱(bin)。有(you)舊友陳(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)洪范時已降清(qing)(qing)(qing),派人招撫他(ta)和夏允(yun)彝,夏允(yun)彝抗(kang)辭答之,陳(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)(long)(long)則避而不見。又有(you)故明(ming)(ming)(ming)參(can)將洪恩炳(bing),與陳(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)(long)(long)“素執弟子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)禮”,亦(yi)降清(qing)(qing)(qing),自(zi)稱(cheng)(cheng)“安撫使”路過(guo)松江求(qiu)見,陳(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)(long)(long)亦(yi)拒(ju)之門外,矢(shi)志堅持抗(kang)清(qing)(qing)(qing)立場。閏六月(yue),江南各郡“競(jing)起(qi)(qi)兵(bing)(bing)(bing)為恢復(fu)計”,組織義軍(jun)(jun)(jun),掀(xian)起(qi)(qi)轟(hong)轟(hong)烈烈的抗(kang)清(qing)(qing)(qing)運動(dong)。松江府(fu)籍的故明(ming)(ming)(ming)官(guan)員也同樣在城內募兵(bing)(bing)(bing)抗(kang)清(qing)(qing)(qing)。這(zhe)時,陳(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)(long)(long)與徐孚遠及陳(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)湖(hu)義士(shi)集(ji)眾(zhong)千(qian)(qian)余人駐扎陳(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)湖(hu),伺機起(qi)(qi)兵(bing)(bing)(bing)。夏允(yun)彝致書聯絡吳淞副(fu)總兵(bing)(bing)(bing)吳志葵、參(can)將魯之玙(yu)率水(shui)(shui)師三千(qian)(qian)自(zi)吳淞入泖(mao)(mao)湖(hu),總兵(bing)(bing)(bing)官(guan)黃蜚(fei)率船千(qian)(qian)艘(sou)、水(shui)(shui)師二萬(wan)人由無錫(xi)到(dao)此會合。是月(yue)初十日(ri)(ri),陳(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)(long)(long)設明(ming)(ming)(ming)太祖像誓師起(qi)(qi)義,原明(ming)(ming)(ming)兩廣總督(du)沈猶龍(long)(long)(long)(long)稱(cheng)(cheng)總督(du)兵(bing)(bing)(bing)部尚書,陳(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)(long)(long)稱(cheng)(cheng)監軍(jun)(jun)(jun)左給事中(zhong),軍(jun)(jun)(jun)號“振武”。陳(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)(long)(long)所集(ji)義兵(bing)(bing)(bing),雖有(you)千(qian)(qian)余之眾(zhong),但“餉無所辦”,且多泖(mao)(mao)濱(bin)漁人,不知紀(ji)律,未(wei)嘗作戰,甚不堪用,與吳志葵水(shui)(shui)師進攻(gong)蘇(su)州失敗(bai)。黃蜚(fei)不聽陳(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)(long)(long)的勸(quan)阻(zu),將二萬(wan)水(shui)(shui)師移營(ying)黃浦江,因(yin)沿途水(shui)(shui)道狹隘,不利旋轉,單行數(shu)十里,首(shou)尾不相(xiang)應,僅支撐(cheng)兩月(yue),亦(yi)被(bei)清(qing)(qing)(qing)軍(jun)(jun)(jun)擊(ji)敗(bai)。八月(yue)三日(ri)(ri),松江城陷,沈猶龍(long)(long)(long)(long)等皆陣亡。陳(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)(long)(long)在城西遇(yu)清(qing)(qing)(qing)兵(bing)(bing)(bing),得逃脫(tuo),攜(xie)家(jia)走昆山。夏允(yun)彝投水(shui)(shui)死。繼(ji)而,陳(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)(long)(long)避難青(qing)浦縣金澤(ze),最后隱姓埋名入嘉(jia)善(shan)縣陶莊水(shui)(shui)月(yue)庵,托(tuo)為禪僧,取名信(xin)衷,字瓢粟(su),號潁川明(ming)(ming)(ming)逸。在此,他(ta)與庵僧衍門同研佛(fo)學,并完成(cheng)自(zi)撰《年譜》。
弘光(guang)元年六(liu)月,魯王(wang)(wang)朱以海監國于(yu)紹興。閏六(liu)月,唐王(wang)(wang)朱聿(yu)鍵稱(cheng)號于(yu)福州。魯王(wang)(wang)命(ming)陳(chen)子龍為兵部(bu)尚書,節制七省軍漕;唐王(wang)(wang)授其(qi)兵部(bu)左(zuo)侍郎、左(zuo)都(dou)御史。
五(wu)月,陳子龍(long)監臨吳(wu)易義(yi)師(shi)。陳子龍(long)見其“輕敵(di),幕客皆輕薄之(zhi)士,諸將惟事剽掠(lve)而已,師(shi)眾不(bu)整”,“軍(jun)紀日弛(chi)”,遂(sui)與之(zhi)斷(duan)絕(jue)關系(xi)。至秋天(tian),吳(wu)易被(bei)清(qing)軍(jun)殺害,義(yi)軍(jun)失敗(bai)。此(ci)時(shi)(shi)陳子龍(long)因為匡復大業不(bu)成,經常沈憂咤嘆(tan),至廢寢興(xing)。及(ji)聞(wen)浙東、福州(zhou)失守,“志不(bu)欲(yu)生,孤筇單幞,混跡緇(zi)流”。泣然曰:“茫茫天(tian)地將安之(zhi)乎,惟有營葬(zang)大母(mu)歸(gui)死(si)先壟耳(er)。”即(ji)于(yu)(yu)七月遣家歸(gui)里,十一(yi)月,殯(bin)葬(zang)祖母(mu)于(yu)(yu)廣富林。并(bing)作長書《報夏(xia)(xia)(xia)考公(gong)(gong)書》焚(fen)夏(xia)(xia)(xia)允彝墓(mu)前,“述己所以未(wei)(wei)死(si)之(zhi)故(gu),期不(bu)負(fu)夏(xia)(xia)(xia)公(gong)(gong)”。南(nan)明昭宗永歷元年(1647年)初,在廣富林家居(ju)時(shi)(shi),念生平(ping)知友(you)如夏(xia)(xia)(xia)允彝輩一(yi)時(shi)(shi)零(ling)落殆盡,周立勛之(zhi)死(si)亦已數年,而喪(sang)未(wei)(wei)舉,慨(kai)然曰:“我(wo)死(si),誰(shui)為了(le)此(ci)事者(zhe)。”遂(sui)捐地葬(zang)之(zhi)。三月,會葬(zang)夏(xia)(xia)(xia)允彝,陳子龍(long)賦詩《會葬(zang)夏(xia)(xia)(xia)瑗(yuan)公(gong)(gong)》二(er)章,又作《寒(han)食》、《清(qing)明》二(er)詞(ci),此(ci)系(xi)其絕(jue)筆(bi)。
提督吳勝(sheng)兆,遼東人,跟著清軍來到江南。1647年四月,吳勝(sheng)兆因受排擠,密(mi)謀策劃(hua)反正,他的(de)部下戴之儁是陳(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍的(de)舊識,積極支(zhi)持吳勝(sheng)兆起兵,私訪(fang)陳(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍,一再(zai)請求陳(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍寫信聯絡南明舟(zhou)山(shan)守將黃斌(bin)卿率舟(zhou)師(shi)為外應。
據陳(chen)子(zi)龍學生王沄(yun)后來記載(zai),陳(chen)子(zi)龍認(ren)為:黃等“虛聲寡信,事必不濟”,沒有答應戴的要求(qiu),并說:“海舶(bo)往來,不乏信使,你等好自為之,我決(jue)不阻攔”。戴即離去(qu),“自是不復(fu)相聞矣”。
但是,據陳子龍生(sheng)前友人(ren)宋征輿(yu)記載,陳子龍當時慨然應允,親手寫信聯系黃斌卿,積極(ji)參與起(qi)義(yi)。
兩種說(shuo)(shuo)法中(zhong),以宋的說(shuo)(shuo)法更為(wei)(wei)可靠,因為(wei)(wei)王沄續寫陳(chen)子(zi)龍年譜時,為(wei)(wei)不給(gei)陳(chen)子(zi)龍遺孀和后代招來麻煩,所以故意在描(miao)述中(zhong)否(fou)認陳(chen)子(zi)龍參與起義。而(er)宋征輿回憶時未曾考慮這一點(dian),因此直言不諱。
十六(liu)日,吳(wu)(wu)勝兆未舉兵(bing)而事泄被捕(bu),入獄窮治(zhi)。清軍(jun)污蔑(mie)陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)與吳(wu)(wu)“共謀(mou)”,遣兵(bing)捕(bu)之。陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)逃往蘇州,易姓李,改字大樽。當時(shi)清軍(jun)江寧將(jiang)軍(jun)巴(ba)山(shan)(shan)、都(dou)御史陳(chen)(chen)錦(jin)(jin)和江寧巡撫土國寶陰謀(mou)乘吳(wu)(wu)勝兆事,“盡(jin)除三吳(wu)(wu)知名之士(shi)”,而以(yi)陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)為首(shou)。五(wu)(wu)月(yue)初,他們派出(chu)士(shi)兵(bing)五(wu)(wu)百(bai),在(zai)蘇松一帶(dai)大肆(si)搜捕(bu)達五(wu)(wu)六(liu)日之久,最后陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)在(zai)吳(wu)(wu)縣(xian)被捕(bu)。巴(ba)山(shan)(shan)等(deng)人對(dui)他進行審訊,他“植立不屈(qu),神(shen)色不變”。陳(chen)(chen)錦(jin)(jin)問(wen)他為何官?曰:“我崇禎(zhen)朝兵(bing)科給(gei)事中也(ye)。”又(you)問(wen):“何不剃發?”曰:“吾(wu)惟留此(ci)發,以(yi)見(jian)先帝(di)于地(di)下也(ye)。”又(you)問(wen),陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)凜然(ran)(ran)挺立,拒不回(hui)答。乃(nai)執之舟中,令卒(zu)守(shou)之。五(wu)(wu)月(yue)十三日,陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)被押往南京(jing),在(zai)途中經松江境內(nei)跨塘橋(qiao)時(shi),他乘守(shou)者不備,突然(ran)(ran)投水以(yi)死,撈起時(shi)已經氣(qi)絕(jue),清軍(jun)還(huan)殘(can)暴地(di)將(jiang)其凌遲斬(zhan)首(shou),棄(qi)尸(shi)水中。時(shi)年四十歲。次(ci)日,陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)門生(sheng)王沄、轎夫吳(wu)(wu)酉等(deng)在(zai)毛竹(zhu)港(gang)找到他的(de)遺體,具棺(guan)埋葬(zang)。
明(ming)(ming)清(qing)易代(dai)之(zhi)際,陳(chen)(chen)子龍以其特出之(zhi)才(cai)情文(wen)章與錚錚之(zhi)民族氣節成(cheng)為當時文(wen)人之(zhi)代(dai)表、明(ming)(ming)末清(qing)初(chu)江南風(feng)云人物、文(wen)壇盟主(zhu),《明(ming)(ming)史(shi)》本(ben)傳稱(cheng)其“生有異(yi)才(cai),工舉子業,兼治詩(shi)賦古文(wen),取法魏(wei)、晉,駢體尤(you)精妙”。陳(chen)(chen)子龍領袖云間派(云間詞(ci)派與云間詩(shi)派),對明(ming)(ming)末清(qing)初(chu)詩(shi)詞(ci)振興形成(cheng)巨大影響,流風(feng)余韻波及身后近半個(ge)世紀。陳(chen)(chen)子龍在詩(shi)、詞(ci)、駢文(wen)、散文(wen)均卓然自成(cheng)一家(jia),是明(ming)(ming)清(qing)二代(dai)最多才(cai)多藝的作家(jia)之(zhi)一,又由其高尚(shang)的人格、不屈的風(feng)骨,而(er)為當世以及后世敬仰,其人文(wen)章氣節,皆堪稱(cheng)后人楷模。
陳子(zi)(zi)龍為明(ming)末清(qing)初三大詩(shi)人(ren)之(zhi)一,與(yu)(yu)錢(qian)謙(qian)益、吳(wu)偉(wei)業齊名(但錢(qian)、吳(wu)二人(ren)在詞與(yu)(yu)駢文方面都不及陳子(zi)(zi)龍)。其(qi)詩(shi)學(xue)思想追慕六朝、盛唐,倡導明(ming)七(qi)子(zi)(zi)復古(gu)(gu)主張(zhang),但其(qi)詩(shi)歌創作尤其(qi)是中后期詩(shi)歌創作旨在繼承盛唐詩(shi)歌創作反映現實的(de)精神(shen),特(te)別強調文學(xue)創作的(de)社(she)會(hui)意義(yi),所以其(qi)詩(shi)感慨時(shi)事(shi),關心民生,雄(xiong)深豪邁(mai),沉郁頓(dun)挫,蒼勁之(zhi)色與(yu)(yu)節(jie)義(yi)相(xiang)符,同時(shi)文辭華美、音韻鏗鏘,浸透(tou)著憂國憂民的(de)真摯(zhi)情懷與(yu)(yu)高(gao)尚(shang)的(de)愛國節(jie)操,是結束明(ming)代復古(gu)(gu)派詩(shi)歌創作的(de)最后一個(ge)大詩(shi)人(ren),被公認(ren)為“明(ming)詩(shi)殿軍”。
陳子龍早(zao)期詩(shi)(shi)(shi)歌多摹(mo)古之作,但是也已經有(you)大量(liang)創新,隨著時(shi)(shi)局的(de)變化,尤其是明亡前后,在(zai)家國(guo)陵夷(yi)、滄桑劇變的(de)特定時(shi)(shi)代環境感促下,詩(shi)(shi)(shi)風有(you)較(jiao)大改變,摹(mo)古習氣也幾乎消失,憂(you)時(shi)(shi)念亂的(de)沉(chen)痛情感注入(ru)詩(shi)(shi)(shi)中,顯得悲(bei)(bei)勁蒼涼(liang),而(er)又辭藻華麗,音韻鏗鏘(qiang),具有(you)很強(qiang)的(de)感染力。陳子龍各(ge)體皆工,尤其是他的(de)七(qi)(qi)(qi)律與(yu)七(qi)(qi)(qi)言(yan)古詩(shi)(shi)(shi),更為(wei)后人稱道(dao),這些七(qi)(qi)(qi)律與(yu)七(qi)(qi)(qi)言(yan)古詩(shi)(shi)(shi),大多寫于(yu)勤勞(lao)國(guo)事(shi)、戎馬(ma)倥(kong)傯之際(ji),表達了他對時(shi)(shi)局的(de)關(guan)切,悲(bei)(bei)涼(liang)慷慨(kai),酣暢(chang)淋漓。
陳(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)詩歌(ge)雖受(shou)“前后(hou)七(qi)子(zi)(zi)”影響(xiang),但是能夠(gou)擺脫“詩必盛唐”之窠臼(jiu),兼學齊梁(liang)麗(li)藻、初唐四杰音韻和(he)盛唐格調(diao),對(dui)晚唐詩歌(ge)之秾麗(li)特征也(ye)有一定吸收,這些要素(su)配合其(qi)過(guo)人才氣,使其(qi)詩歌(ge)與“前后(hou)七(qi)子(zi)(zi)”大不相(xiang)同,因此乾(qian)隆年間著名詩人和(he)詩歌(ge)評論家趙翼(yi)全(quan)面否(fou)決(jue)“前后(hou)七(qi)子(zi)(zi)”卻對(dui)陳(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)詩歌(ge)予以相(xiang)當高(gao)的評價,認為陳(chen)子(zi)(zi)龍(long)(long)的詩論“意理(li)粗疏處(chu),尚未免英(ying)雄欺人”,卻不得不承認他“沉雄瑰麗(li),實未易(yi)才”。
明代(dai)詩(shi)歌自高啟去世之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)后(hou)就陷入了(le)長期的低迷狀態(tai),陳子龍(long)崛(jue)起于東南文壇(tan),不(bu)(bu)僅終結了(le)明朝詩(shi)歌藝術近三百年(nian)的衰(shuai)微(wei)狀態(tai),而(er)且也(ye)是開(kai)創(chuang)清(qing)初詩(shi)歌抒寫性情、反映現實(shi)新風較早的一個大詩(shi)人(ren)。清(qing)代(dai)康(kang)熙年(nian)間著(zhu)名詩(shi)人(ren)、詞(ci)人(ren)朱彝尊在編(bian)選《明詩(shi)綜》,高度評(ping)價陳子龍(long)在恢復詩(shi)歌大雅傳統的功績:“王李教衰(shuai),公安之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)派浸廣(guang),竟陵之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)焰(yan)頓興,一時(shi)好異者,诪(zhou)張為幻。關(guan)中文太清(qing)倡堅偽離奇之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)言,致刪(shan)改(gai)《三百篇》之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)章句;山(shan)陰王季重寄謔浪(lang)笑傲之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)體,不(bu)(bu)免綠衣(yi)蒼(cang)鶻之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)儀容。如帝釋既遠,修羅藥叉,交起搏戰(zhan),日(ri)輪(lun)就暝,鵩(fu)子鶚(e)母,四野群(qun)飛。臥子張以太陰之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)弓(gong),射以枉矢,腰鼓百面(mian),破盡蒼(cang)蠅蟋蟀之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)聲,其功不(bu)(bu)可沒也(ye)。”
對于(yu)陳(chen)子龍在詩歌(ge)方面正(zheng)本清源的(de)作用,錢瞻百也有類(lei)似評價:“大樽(陳(chen)子龍)當詩學榛蕪之余(yu),力辟正(zheng)始,一時宗尚,遂使群才蔚起,與弘、正(zheng)比隆(long),摧廓(kuo)振興之功,斯(si)為(wei)極(ji)矣(yi)。”
繆天自持(chi)類(lei)似觀點(dian):“剝極而(er)反,否極而(er)復,先征(zheng)于聲音之道,臥子當(dang)楚人眾咻之余,力(li)追正始,允矣人豪。”
龔蘅圃則(ze)針對那些將(jiang)陳子龍與前后七子一并(bing)批(pi)評(ping)者提出見解:“若詩當公安、竟陵之(zhi)后,雅音(yin)漸(jian)亡,曼聲并(bing)作(zuo),大樽力返于正,翦其(qi)榛蕪荊棘,驅其(qi)狐貍貒貉(he),廓清之(zhi)功(gong),詎可(ke)借口七子流派(pai),并(bing)攢譏(ji)及焉?”
康(kang)熙年間詩壇(tan)領袖王(wang)士禛(與朱彝尊并稱“南朱北王(wang)”)更(geng)是對陳子龍(long)的詩歌(ge)推崇備(bei)至,在(zai)《香祖(zu)筆(bi)記》中(zhong)評(ping)價其詩:“沉(chen)雄瑰麗,近代作者未見(jian)其比(bi),殆(dai)冠(guan)古(gu)之才。一時瑜(yu)亮,獨有梅村(吳偉(wei)業)耳(er)。”陳子龍(long)在(zai)結合齊梁(liang)與三(san)唐(tang)(tang)風格方面(mian)(mian)的努(nu)力深(shen)刻影(ying)響(xiang)了同時代的大(da)詩人吳偉(wei)業。吳偉(wei)業初學宋枚,以杜甫(fu)詩歌(ge)質(zhi)樸(pu)一面(mian)(mian)為宗,后在(zai)陳子龍(long)影(ying)響(xiang)下,全面(mian)(mian)吸收齊梁(liang)與初唐(tang)(tang)四杰之詩風,結合白(bai)居易等(deng)人之敘事詩風格,融入傳奇小說(shuo)筆(bi)法,終(zhong)成自(zi)具面(mian)(mian)目之“梅村體”,對清代詩歌(ge)造成深(shen)遠(yuan)影(ying)響(xiang)。
清同治年(nian)間詩(shi)(shi)人朱彭(peng)年(nian)賦詩(shi)(shi)評價吳偉(wei)業:“妙年(nian)詞賦黃門亞(ya),復(fu)社(she)云間孰(shu)繼聲?一(yi)自鼎湖龍(long)去后,興亡凄絕(jue)庾蘭(lan)成(cheng)”。此詩(shi)(shi)認為吳偉(wei)業詩(shi)(shi)繼承了(le)明(ming)末云間詩(shi)(shi)派陳子龍(long)之風(feng)格。(按:黃門,陳子龍(long)曾任兵科給(gei)事中(zhong),黃門是“給(gei)事中(zhong)”代稱。)
后代學者所論述的(de)“梅村(cun)體”的(de)五(wu)大特(te)(te)(te)征(zheng)即詩(shi)史(shi)特(te)(te)(te)則、頻(pin)繁轉韻、歌(ge)行中多(duo)用(yong)律句、用(yong)典較多(duo)、敘事特(te)(te)(te)征(zheng),其中四(si)(si)大特(te)(te)(te)征(zheng)都可(ke)以在陳(chen)子(zi)龍七言(yan)歌(ge)行中找到。這(zhe)四(si)(si)個(ge)特(te)(te)(te)征(zheng)在初唐四(si)(si)杰的(de)詩(shi)歌(ge)中已經(jing)基(ji)本具備(如初唐四(si)(si)杰之一的(de)盧照鄰,其名(ming)篇《長(chang)安古(gu)意》,富麗精工,典雅絕倫,除詩(shi)史(shi)特(te)(te)(te)征(zheng)不夠明顯外,已經(jing)完全具備以上所說四(si)(si)大特(te)(te)(te)征(zheng)),陳(chen)子(zi)龍是(shi)直接繼承者,然后影(ying)響了吳偉業。必須(xu)強調(diao)的(de)是(shi),明代中期何景(jing)明在好(hao)友楊慎影(ying)響下也(ye)已經(jing)涉足這(zhe)類作(zuo)品(pin)(見(jian)《明月篇》并序(xu))。
陳子(zi)龍與(yu)吳(wu)偉(wei)業(ye)的(de)歌行在(zai)以上四個(ge)方面難分伯仲,陳子(zi)龍勝(sheng)在(zai)雄麗有骨,吳(wu)偉(wei)業(ye)勝(sheng)在(zai)高超的(de)“敘(xu)(xu)事(shi)”風格(ge)。陳子(zi)龍的(de)敘(xu)(xu)事(shi)詩(shi)(shi)(shi)仍然以唐代之前敘(xu)(xu)事(shi)詩(shi)(shi)(shi)風格(ge)為宗且數(shu)量極少(如《大梁行》、《紫玉歌》),而吳(wu)偉(wei)業(ye)則基本上依賴敘(xu)(xu)事(shi)詩(shi)(shi)(shi)成名,敘(xu)(xu)事(shi)風格(ge)不僅熔鑄了(le)白居(ju)易(yi)等(deng)(deng)人的(de)“長慶(qing)體”,而且采用插(cha)敘(xu)(xu)、倒敘(xu)(xu)等(deng)(deng)一(yi)系(xi)列明(ming)清(qing)(qing)小說和戲劇中具有的(de)敘(xu)(xu)事(shi)技巧,從而自成新(xin)吟,成為婁東派(pai)首(shou)領(ling)(ling),與(yu)云間(jian)派(pai)首(shou)領(ling)(ling)陳子(zi)龍、虞山派(pai)首(shou)領(ling)(ling)錢謙益在(zai)明(ming)末清(qing)(qing)初詩(shi)(shi)(shi)壇鼎足而三。
陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)龍(long)(long)殉(xun)國(guo)多年之后之后,吳偉業仍在(zai)《梅村詩(shi)(shi)(shi)(shi)話(hua)》中(zhong)評(ping)(ping)(ping)價(jia)(jia)陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)龍(long)(long):“臥(wo)子(zi)(陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)龍(long)(long))負曠世逸才(cai)……。其(qi)四六跨徐、庾,論(lun)策視二蘇(su),詩(shi)(shi)(shi)(shi)特高華雄渾,睥睨一世。……當是時,幾(ji)社名聞天(tian)下。臥(wo)子(zi)眼光奕(yi)(yi)奕(yi)(yi),意氣(qi)籠罩千(qian)人,見者莫不辟(pi)易。登臨贈(zeng)答,淋(lin)漓(li)慷慨,雖百世后猶想見其(qi)人也(ye)。”并且回憶(yi)二人在(zai)京城論(lun)詩(shi)(shi)(shi)(shi)情景:“嘗與(yu)余(yu)宿京邸,夜半謂余(yu)曰(yue):‘卿詩(shi)(shi)(shi)(shi)絕似(si)李頎。’又誦余(yu)《雒陽行》一篇,謂為合作。余(yu)曰(yue):‘卿詩(shi)(shi)(shi)(shi)固(gu)佳,何首為第(di)一?’臥(wo)子(zi)曰(yue):‘“苑(yuan)內(nei)起山名萬歲(sui),閣中(zhong)新(xin)戲號千(qian)秋”,此余(yu)中(zhong)聯得意語也(ye)。“祠官(guan)流(liu)涕松風路,回首長陵出(chu)塞年”,又“李氏功名猶帶礪,斷垣落日海云黃(huang)”,此余(yu)結法(fa)可(ke)誦者也(ye)。’余(yu)贊(zan)嘆久之。晚歲(sui)與(yu)夏考(kao)(kao)功相期死(si)國(guo)事,考(kao)(kao)功先赴水死(si),臥(wo)子(zi)為書報考(kao)(kao)功于地(di)下,誓必相從,文(wen)絕可(ke)觀。……”對于陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)龍(long)(long)詩(shi)(shi)(shi)(shi)歌成就,著名學者錢鐘書先生在(zai)《談藝錄》中(zhong)有過中(zhong)肯評(ping)(ping)(ping)價(jia)(jia):“陳(chen)(chen)臥(wo)子(zi)大(da)才(cai)健筆(bi),足殿(dian)明詩(shi)(shi)(shi)(shi)而無愧,又丁百六陽九之會,天(tian)意昌(chang)詩(shi)(shi)(shi)(shi),宜(yi)若可(ke)以悲(bei)壯(zhuang)蒼涼,上(shang)繼簡齋、遺(yi)山之學杜”,以“天(tian)意昌(chang)詩(shi)(shi)(shi)(shi)”評(ping)(ping)(ping)價(jia)(jia)陳(chen)(chen)子(zi)龍(long)(long)為代表的(de)烈士詩(shi)(shi)(shi)(shi)人與(yu)遺(yi)民詩(shi)(shi)(shi)(shi)人之出(chu)現,足見評(ping)(ping)(ping)價(jia)(jia)之高。
在《談藝錄》中(zhong),錢(qian)鐘(zhong)書先生還對(dui)陳(chen)子龍一些詩歌名聯進行匯(hui)總:“陳(chen)臥(wo)子結有(you)明三百年唐詩之局,其(qi)名聯如‘禹陵風雨(yu)思王(wang)會(hui),越(yue)國山(shan)川出霸才’(《錢(qian)塘東望》)‘左徒舊宅猶蘭圃,中(zhong)散(san)荒園尚竹林’(《重(zhong)游弇園》)‘九(jiu)天星宿(su)開秦塞,萬國梯航走冀方’(《送(song)張玉笥》)及《香祖筆記》卷二(er)所(suo)稱(cheng)之‘四塞山(shan)河歸漢關,二(er)陵風雨(yu)送(song)秦師(shi)’,‘石顯(xian)上賓居柳(liu)市(shi),竇嬰別業在藍田。’皆比類人地,為(wei)撐拄開闔(he)。