《公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊傳》亦(yi)稱《春(chun)秋公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊傳》、《公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊春(chun)秋》,是專門解(jie)釋《春(chun)秋》的(de)(de)(de)一(yi)部典籍,其起(qi)訖年(nian)代與(yu)(yu)《春(chun)秋》一(yi)致(zhi),即公(gong)(gong)(gong)元(yuan)前(qian)722年(nian)至公(gong)(gong)(gong)元(yuan)前(qian)481年(nian),其釋史十(shi)分簡略(lve),而著(zhu)重闡(chan)釋《春(chun)秋》所謂(wei)的(de)(de)(de)“微言(yan)大(da)義(yi)”,用問答的(de)(de)(de)方式解(jie)經。《公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊傳》與(yu)(yu)《春(chun)秋》起(qi)訖時間相(xiang)同。相(xiang)傳其作(zuo)者(zhe)為(wei)子(zi)夏的(de)(de)(de)弟(di)子(zi),戰(zhan)國時齊人公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊高(gao)。起(qi)初只是口說流傳,西漢景帝時,傳至玄(xuan)孫(sun)公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊壽,由公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊壽與(yu)(yu)胡母生(子(zi)都(dou))一(yi)起(qi)將《春(chun)秋公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊傳》著(zhu)于竹帛。《公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊傳》有東漢何(he)休(xiu)撰《春(chun)秋公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊解(jie)詁》、唐朝徐彥(yan)作(zuo)《公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊傳疏》、清朝陳立(li)撰《公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊義(yi)疏》。
《公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)傳》的作者舊題是戰國時齊人公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)高,他受學于孔子弟子子夏,后(hou)來(lai)成為傳《春(chun)秋》的三大(da)家之一。
《公羊傳(chuan)(chuan)》是春秋三(san)傳(chuan)(chuan)之(zhi)一(yi)即注釋《春秋》的(de)書,有左氏、公羊、谷梁(liang)三(san)家,稱(cheng)為“春秋三(san)傳(chuan)(chuan)”。另有鄒氏、夾氏二家,早在漢朝即已失(shi)傳(chuan)(chuan)。《漢書·藝(yi)文志》,《史記·十二諸侯年表》,將春秋三(san)傳(chuan)(chuan)的(de)淵源(yuan)說(shuo)(shuo)得很詳細。晉范(fan)寧(ning)評《春秋》三(san)傳(chuan)(chuan)的(de)特色說(shuo)(shuo):“《左氏》艷(yan)而(er)(er)富,其(qi)(qi)失(shi)也(ye)巫(wu)(指多敘鬼神之(zhi)事(shi))。《谷梁(liang)》清而(er)(er)婉,其(qi)(qi)失(shi)也(ye)短。《公羊》辯(bian)而(er)(er)裁(cai),其(qi)(qi)失(shi)也(ye)俗(su)。”
《尚書(shu)(shu)(shu)》和《春(chun)秋》∶“左史(shi)記言(yan),右史(shi)記事,言(yan)為《尚書(shu)(shu)(shu)》,事為《春(chun)秋》。”這是中國古(gu)代有(you)記載(zai)的(甲骨文)最早的兩部書(shu)(shu)(shu)。
《春秋》是記事的,后多散佚,僅(jin)留下經孔子整理的魯國的《春秋》,漢代有重(zhong)新(xin)編撰整理的“春秋三傳(chuan)(chuan)”,即《公(gong)羊傳(chuan)(chuan)》、《谷(榖(gu))梁(liang)傳(chuan)(chuan)》、《左(zuo)傳(chuan)(chuan)》。《春秋》和《左(zuo)傳(chuan)(chuan)》是編年體(ti)史書。
春(chun)秋(qiu)經文,言簡義深,如無(wu)注(zhu)釋,則無(wu)法了解。注(zhu)釋春(chun)秋(qiu)的書,有左氏(shi)、公羊(yang)、谷(榖)梁(liang)三家,稱為春(chun)秋(qiu)三傳(chuan)。另有鄒氏(shi)、夾(jia)氏(shi)二家,早在漢朝即(ji)已失傳(chuan)。所以自漢至今(jin),學者只藉(jie)三傳(chuan)研(yan)讀春(chun)秋(qiu)。
《公羊(yang)春秋》作(zuo)(zuo)為(wei)家學,最初只是(shi)口(kou)耳相傳,至公羊(yang)高(gao)的(de)玄孫公羊(yang)壽(漢(han)景(jing)帝時人(ren))方(fang)與齊(qi)人(ren)胡毋(wu)(wu)生(《漢(han)書(shu)(shu)》作(zuo)(zuo)胡母生,復姓胡毋(wu)(wu),名(ming)子都,生是(shi)“先生”的(de)意(yi)思)合(he)作(zuo)(zuo),將《春秋公羊(yang)傳》定稿(gao)“著于竹帛”。所以(yi)《公羊(yang)傳》的(de)作(zuo)(zuo)者,班固《漢(han)書(shu)(shu)·藝文志(zhi)》籠(long)統地稱之為(wei)“公羊(yang)子”,顏師古(gu)說是(shi)公羊(yang)高(gao),《四庫全書(shu)(shu)總目》則署作(zuo)(zuo)漢(han)公羊(yang)壽,說法不一。
《公羊傳(chuan)(chuan)》的(de)(de)體(ti)裁特點(dian),是經傳(chuan)(chuan)合并(bing),傳(chuan)(chuan)文(wen)逐(zhu)句傳(chuan)(chuan)述《春秋(qiu)》經文(wen)的(de)(de)大(da)義,與《左傳(chuan)(chuan)》以(yi)記(ji)載史實(shi)為(wei)主不同(tong)。《公羊傳(chuan)(chuan)》是今文(wen)經學的(de)(de)重要經籍(ji),歷(li)代今文(wen)經學家(jia)時常用它(ta)作為(wei)議論政治(zhi)的(de)(de)工(gong)具。同(tong)時它(ta)還是研究先秦至漢間儒家(jia)思(si)想的(de)(de)重要資料。
后世注釋(shi)《公羊傳》的書籍主要有(you)東(dong)漢何休撰《春(chun)秋公羊解(jie)詁(gu)》、唐(tang)朝徐(xu)彥作《公羊傳疏》、清朝陳(chen)立撰《公羊義(yi)疏》。
鄭玄在《六(liu)藝論》中有所批評:“左氏善(shan)於(wu)禮,公羊善(shan)於(wu)讖(chen),谷梁(liang)善(shan)於(wu)經。”
東晉范甯(《後漢書》作者范曄之(zhi)祖父(fu))在(zai)他所撰的(de)《春(chun)秋(qiu)(qiu)榖梁經傳集解序》中評論《春(chun)秋(qiu)(qiu)》三(san)傳的(de)特色說:"《左氏》艷而富(fu),其失也巫。《谷梁》清(qing)而婉(wan),其失也短。《公羊》辯(bian)而裁,其失也俗。"《公羊傳》的(de)成就在(zai)於發揮《春(chun)秋(qiu)(qiu)》的(de)褒貶,從而找出“微言大義”和“非常異義可怪之(zhi)論”(皆東漢何休語)。
原文
原(yuan)文:靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)為無(wu)(wu)道,使(shi)諸(zhu)大夫皆內朝,然(ran)(ran)后處乎臺上(shang)(shang)(shang)引(yin)彈而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)彈之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi),己(ji)趨而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)辟丸,是樂而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)已矣(yi)(yi)。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)已朝而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)出(chu),與諸(zhu)大夫立(li)(li)于朝,有人(ren)(ren)荷畚(ben),自閨(gui)(gui)而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)出(chu)者。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)曰(yue)(yue):“彼何也(ye)(ye),夫畚(ben)曷為出(chu)乎閨(gui)(gui)?”呼(hu)(hu)(hu)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)不至,曰(yue)(yue):“子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)大夫也(ye)(ye),欲(yu)視之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)則(ze)就(jiu)而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)視之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)。”趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)就(jiu)而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)視之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi),則(ze)赫然(ran)(ran)死人(ren)(ren)也(ye)(ye)。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)曰(yue)(yue):“是何也(ye)(ye)?”曰(yue)(yue):“膳宰也(ye)(ye),熊蹯不熟,公(gong)(gong)怒以斗(dou)摮而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)殺(sha)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi),支解將(jiang)使(shi)我棄之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)。”趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)曰(yue)(yue):“嘻!”趨而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)入。靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)望見趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)訴而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)再拜。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)逡巡(xun)北(bei)面(mian)再拜稽首,趨而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)出(chu),靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)心怍焉(yan),欲(yu)殺(sha)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)。于是使(shi)勇(yong)士某者往(wang)殺(sha)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi),勇(yong)士入其(qi)大門,則(ze)無(wu)(wu)人(ren)(ren)門焉(yan)者;入其(qi)閨(gui)(gui),則(ze)無(wu)(wu)人(ren)(ren)閨(gui)(gui)焉(yan)者;上(shang)(shang)(shang)其(qi)堂,則(ze)無(wu)(wu)人(ren)(ren)焉(yan)。俯而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)窺(kui)其(qi)戶,方食(shi)魚飧。勇(yong)士曰(yue)(yue):“嘻!子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)誠仁人(ren)(ren)也(ye)(ye)!吾(wu)入子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)大門,則(ze)無(wu)(wu)人(ren)(ren)焉(yan);入子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)閨(gui)(gui),則(ze)無(wu)(wu)人(ren)(ren)焉(yan);上(shang)(shang)(shang)子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)堂,則(ze)無(wu)(wu)人(ren)(ren)焉(yan);是子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)易也(ye)(ye)。子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)為晉國重卿而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)食(shi)魚飧,是子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)儉也(ye)(ye)。君將(jiang)使(shi)我殺(sha)子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi),吾(wu)不忍殺(sha)子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)也(ye)(ye)。雖然(ran)(ran),吾(wu)亦(yi)不可(ke)復見吾(wu)君矣(yi)(yi)。”遂(sui)刎頸而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)死。靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)聞之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)怒,滋(zi)欲(yu)殺(sha)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)甚(shen),眾(zhong)(zhong)莫可(ke)使(shi)往(wang)者。于是伏甲于宮(gong)中,召趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)食(shi)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)車(che)右祁(qi)彌明者,國之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)力(li)士也(ye)(ye),仡然(ran)(ran)從乎趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)入,放乎堂下而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)立(li)(li)。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)已食(shi),靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)謂盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)曰(yue)(yue):“吾(wu)聞子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)劍(jian)(jian),蓋利劍(jian)(jian)也(ye)(ye),子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)以示我,吾(wu)將(jiang)觀焉(yan)。”趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)起(qi)將(jiang)進劍(jian)(jian),祁(qi)彌明自下呼(hu)(hu)(hu)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)曰(yue)(yue):“盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)食(shi)飽則(ze)出(chu),何故拔劍(jian)(jian)于君所(suo)?”趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)知之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi),躇(chu)階而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)走。靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)有周狗,謂之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)獒(ao)(ao),呼(hu)(hu)(hu)獒(ao)(ao)而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)屬(shu)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi),獒(ao)(ao)亦(yi)躇(chu)階而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)從之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)。祁(qi)彌明逆而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)踆之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi),絕其(qi)頷。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)顧(gu)曰(yue)(yue):“君之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)獒(ao)(ao)不若臣(chen)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)獒(ao)(ao)也(ye)(ye)!”然(ran)(ran)而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)宮(gong)中申鼓(gu)而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)起(qi),有起(qi)于甲中者抱(bao)趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)乘之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)顧(gu)曰(yue)(yue):“吾(wu)何以得(de)此于子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)?”曰(yue)(yue):“子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)某時所(suo)食(shi)活我于暴桑下者也(ye)(ye)。”趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)曰(yue)(yue):“子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)名(ming)為誰?”曰(yue)(yue):“吾(wu)君孰為介?子(zi)(zi)(zi)(zi)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)乘矣(yi)(yi),何問(wen)吾(wu)名(ming)?”趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)驅(qu)而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)出(chu),眾(zhong)(zhong)無(wu)(wu)留之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)者。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)穿緣民眾(zhong)(zhong)不說,起(qi)弒靈(ling)公(gong)(gong),然(ran)(ran)后迎趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)(dun)而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)入,與之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)立(li)(li)于朝,而(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)(er)立(li)(li)成公(gong)(gong)黑臀。
譯文:晉(jin)靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)(gong)不行(xing)(xing)正(zheng)道(dao),讓(rang)大(da)夫(fu)(fu)們(men)(men)都(dou)到內(nei)(nei)朝(chao)上(shang)朝(chao),自己(ji)卻(que)站(zhan)在臺子上(shang)用(yong)彈弓射上(shang)朝(chao)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)大(da)夫(fu)(fu),他(ta)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)大(da)夫(fu)(fu)們(men)(men)奔走(zou)躲避(bi)彈丸(wan),晉(jin)靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)(gong)以(yi)此(ci)取樂而(er)(er)已。有(you)一(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)次趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)上(shang)完朝(chao)出來(lai)(lai),與(yu)大(da)夫(fu)(fu)們(men)(men)站(zhan)在外(wai)朝(chao),有(you)人(ren)抬(tai)了(le)(le)(le)(le)一(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)個筐從宮中小門(men)(men)(men)出來(lai)(lai),趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)問(wen):“那是(shi)(shi)什(shen)(shen)(shen)(shen)么,筐為(wei)什(shen)(shen)(shen)(shen)么從小門(men)(men)(men)出來(lai)(lai)?”叫那人(ren),那人(ren)卻(que)不過來(lai)(lai),說(shuo)(shuo):“您(nin)是(shi)(shi)大(da)夫(fu)(fu),想看(kan)(kan)就(jiu)過來(lai)(lai)看(kan)(kan)看(kan)(kan)吧(ba)。”趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)湊近一(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)看(kan)(kan),赫然是(shi)(shi)一(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)個死(si)人(ren)。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)問(wen):“這(zhe)是(shi)(shi)什(shen)(shen)(shen)(shen)么人(ren)?”那人(ren)回答(da):“是(shi)(shi)膳宰,他(ta)沒把熊(xiong)掌做熟,國君(jun)生(sheng)(sheng)氣(qi)拿(na)斗打他(ta)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)頭(tou)(tou)把他(ta)打死(si)了(le)(le)(le)(le),肢(zhi)解了(le)(le)(le)(le)尸體讓(rang)我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)丟出去。”趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)“啊(a)”了(le)(le)(le)(le)一(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)聲,就(jiu)快(kuai)步進(jin)宮。靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)(gong)看(kan)(kan)見(jian)趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)進(jin)來(lai)(lai),驚恐(kong)地向他(ta)拜了(le)(le)(le)(le)兩拜。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)遲疑不前,向北(bei)面(mian)兩拜磕頭(tou)(tou)至(zhi)地,然后就(jiu)快(kuai)步出來(lai)(lai)了(le)(le)(le)(le)。靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)(gong)心(xin)(xin)中有(you)愧,就(jiu)想殺(sha)(sha)了(le)(le)(le)(le)趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)。于是(shi)(shi)派勇(yong)士(shi)某(mou)人(ren)去殺(sha)(sha)趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)。勇(yong)士(shi)進(jin)入趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)家的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)大(da)門(men)(men)(men),沒看(kan)(kan)到有(you)人(ren)守護;進(jin)入院內(nei)(nei)小門(men)(men)(men),也(ye)沒看(kan)(kan)到人(ren)守護;走(zou)上(shang)廳堂,也(ye)沒看(kan)(kan)到人(ren)。勇(yong)士(shi)低頭(tou)(tou)從門(men)(men)(men)縫偷看(kan)(kan),看(kan)(kan)見(jian)趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)正(zheng)在吃(chi)(chi)(chi)只(zhi)有(you)魚(yu)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)晚飯。勇(yong)士(shi)說(shuo)(shuo):“啊(a),他(ta)真是(shi)(shi)一(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)個仁(ren)義(yi)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)人(ren)。我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)進(jin)大(da)門(men)(men)(men)沒看(kan)(kan)到人(ren),進(jin)入內(nei)(nei)室沒看(kan)(kan)到人(ren),走(zou)上(shang)廳堂也(ye)沒看(kan)(kan)到人(ren),可見(jian)他(ta)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)節省啊(a)。他(ta)是(shi)(shi)晉(jin)國的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)重臣,卻(que)吃(chi)(chi)(chi)只(zhi)有(you)魚(yu)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)晚飯,可見(jian)他(ta)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)簡樸啊(a)。國君(jun)讓(rang)我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)殺(sha)(sha)他(ta),我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)不忍心(xin)(xin)殺(sha)(sha)他(ta)。雖然這(zhe)樣,我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)也(ye)不能再見(jian)我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)國君(jun)了(le)(le)(le)(le)。”于是(shi)(shi)就(jiu)自刎而(er)(er)死(si)。晉(jin)靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)(gong)聽(ting)說(shuo)(shuo)后非常生(sheng)(sheng)氣(qi),就(jiu)更(geng)想殺(sha)(sha)趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)了(le)(le)(le)(le),但眾多(duo)手(shou)下卻(que)沒有(you)能派去執(zhi)行(xing)(xing)這(zhe)項任務的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)。于是(shi)(shi)晉(jin)靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)(gong)就(jiu)在宮中埋伏(fu)好(hao)甲(jia)兵(bing),叫趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)來(lai)(lai)吃(chi)(chi)(chi)飯。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)車(che)(che)右武士(shi)叫祁彌(mi)明,是(shi)(shi)晉(jin)國的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)大(da)力(li)士(shi),壯勇(yong)地跟(gen)著趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)入宮,來(lai)(lai)到堂下站(zhan)好(hao)。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)吃(chi)(chi)(chi)好(hao)了(le)(le)(le)(le),晉(jin)靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)(gong)對(dui)趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)說(shuo)(shuo):“聽(ting)說(shuo)(shuo)你(ni)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)劍是(shi)(shi)一(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)把利劍,你(ni)拿(na)出來(lai)(lai)給(gei)我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo),我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)觀(guan)賞一(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)下。”趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)站(zhan)起(qi)來(lai)(lai)想把劍呈現給(gei)晉(jin)靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)(gong),祁彌(mi)明在堂下大(da)喊:“趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)吃(chi)(chi)(chi)飽了(le)(le)(le)(le)就(jiu)出來(lai)(lai),為(wei)什(shen)(shen)(shen)(shen)么在國君(jun)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)住所(suo)里拔劍呢(ni)?”趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)一(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)聽(ting)頓(dun)時明白了(le)(le)(le)(le),急(ji)忙(mang)沿(yan)階跑下來(lai)(lai)。晉(jin)靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)(gong)有(you)一(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)條訓練有(you)素的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)狗,叫作獒(ao)。晉(jin)靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)(gong)喊來(lai)(lai)獒(ao)叫它去追趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)。獒(ao)也(ye)迅(xun)速(su)地沿(yan)階追下來(lai)(lai)。祁彌(mi)明迎上(shang)去飛起(qi)一(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)腳,踢斷了(le)(le)(le)(le)獒(ao)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)下巴。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)回頭(tou)(tou)說(shuo)(shuo):“國君(jun)您(nin)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)獒(ao)不如(ru)臣的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)獒(ao)啊(a)!”然而(er)(er)這(zhe)時宮中埋伏(fu)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)甲(jia)兵(bing)擊鼓沖(chong)了(le)(le)(le)(le)上(shang)來(lai)(lai),其中有(you)一(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)個人(ren)抱起(qi)趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)放到了(le)(le)(le)(le)車(che)(che)上(shang)。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)回頭(tou)(tou)問(wen):“我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)為(wei)什(shen)(shen)(shen)(shen)么會(hui)讓(rang)您(nin)這(zhe)么對(dui)待我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)?”甲(jia)兵(bing)說(shuo)(shuo):“您(nin)有(you)一(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)次在大(da)桑(sang)樹下給(gei)我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)吃(chi)(chi)(chi)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de),讓(rang)我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)得以(yi)活(huo)命。”趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)問(wen):“您(nin)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)名字(zi)是(shi)(shi)什(shen)(shen)(shen)(shen)么?”甲(jia)兵(bing)說(shuo)(shuo):“我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)們(men)(men)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)國君(jun)為(wei)誰埋伏(fu)下的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)甲(jia)兵(bing)?您(nin)趕快(kuai)乘(cheng)車(che)(che)走(zou)吧(ba),何必問(wen)我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)名字(zi)。”趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)驅(qu)車(che)(che)沖(chong)了(le)(le)(le)(le)出去,甲(jia)兵(bing)們(men)(men)都(dou)沒有(you)進(jin)行(xing)(xing)阻攔。趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)穿以(yi)民眾不滿為(wei)由,起(qi)兵(bing)弒殺(sha)(sha)了(le)(le)(le)(le)晉(jin)靈(ling)公(gong)(gong)(gong),然后迎接趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)進(jin)入國都(dou),與(yu)趙(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)(zhao)盾(dun)(dun)(dun)一(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)起(qi)執(zhi)掌朝(chao)政,立成(cheng)公(gong)(gong)(gong)黑臀為(wei)君(jun)。
《春秋公(gong)羊(yang)傳》作(zuo)為(wei)今文學(xue)派的中堅,有(you)獨(du)特的理論色彩。主(zhu)要(yao)有(you)三(san)項(xiang):
1、政治性。講“改制”,宣揚“大(da)一(yi)統”,撥亂反正,為后(hou)王立(li)法。
2、變(bian)易性(xing)。它形成了一套“三世(shi)說”歷史(shi)哲學理論體(ti)系。《公羊(yang)傳》講“所(suo)見(jian)異辭(ci),所(suo)聞(wen)異辭(ci),所(suo)傳聞(wen)異辭(ci)”是其雛形。董仲(zhong)舒加以發揮,劃分(fen)春(chun)(chun)秋(qiu)十二(er)公為“所(suo)見(jian)世(shi)”、“所(suo)聞(wen)世(shi)”、“所(suo)傳聞(wen)世(shi)”,表明春(chun)(chun)秋(qiu)時期(qi)二(er)百四十二(er)年(nian)不(bu)是鐵板一塊(kuai),或凝固不(bu)變(bian),而(er)是可按(an)一定標(biao)準劃分(fen)為不(bu)同的階段。
3、《春(chun)秋公羊(yang)傳》的(de)“三世(shi)(shi)說”:“所傳聞(wen)世(shi)(shi)”是(shi)(shi)“據亂世(shi)(shi)”,“內其國外其夏”;“所聞(wen)世(shi)(shi)”是(shi)(shi)“升平世(shi)(shi)”,“內諸夏外夷(yi)狄(di)”;“所見世(shi)(shi)”是(shi)(shi)“太平世(shi)(shi)”,“夷(yi)狄(di)進(jin)至于爵,天下遠近大小(xiao)若(ruo)一”。
按照今文(wen)公羊家(jia)的(de)闡(chan)發,《春秋(qiu)》之“義(yi)”的(de)重要內容之一是(shi)“張三世(shi)”。即(ji)孔子將(jiang)春秋(qiu)242年(nian)的(de)歷史,劃(hua)分成了“據亂世(shi)”、“升平世(shi)”、“太(tai)平世(shi)”。今文(wen)家(jia)的(de)這種認識有兩點值(zhi)得(de)注意:
1、他們所(suo)“描述”的歷史(shi)(shi)運動(dong),并不符(fu)合(he)史(shi)(shi)實但(dan)卻符(fu)合(he)“理(li)想”。從春秋“本然”的歷史(shi)(shi)來看,“三世說”的誣妄顯(xian)而易(yi)見。顧(gu)頡剛《春秋三傳(chuan)及(ji)國語之(zhi)綜合(he)研究》即(ji)指出(chu):“此三世之(zhi)說殊(shu)難稽(ji)信也。事實上春秋時愈降則(ze)愈不太平,政亂(luan)民苦無可告訴,可謂(wei)太平乎?”
至少從漢代起,今文公羊家已經對(dui)于人類歷(li)(li)史運動(dong)的(de)(de)(de)規律(lv)性進(jin)行了富有想(xiang)(xiang)象力的(de)(de)(de)探討(tao)。根據公羊家的(de)(de)(de)論述,人類歷(li)(li)史的(de)(de)(de)演進(jin),從“據亂世(shi)(shi)”進(jin)入相對(dui)平和(he)穩定的(de)(de)(de)“升平世(shi)(shi)”,再到“太平世(shi)(shi)”,是一條“理(li)想(xiang)(xiang)”的(de)(de)(de)社會發展軌轍。在這套理(li)論中,蘊涵著“歷(li)(li)史的(de)(de)(de)運動(dong)是有規律(lv)的(de)(de)(de)”這樣(yang)一種可貴(gui)的(de)(de)(de)思想(xiang)(xiang)胚芽。
2、“三(san)世(shi)說”在本(ben)質的規定性上是循環論(lun)(lun)的。但在據亂世(shi)――升(sheng)平世(shi)――太平世(shi)“三(san)世(shi)”循環范圍內,又存(cun)在著一個不斷“向前”發展的序列(lie)(lie),因(yin)而也就是一個“進(jin)化”的序列(lie)(lie)。何休注《公羊(yang)傳》,更糅合(he)了《禮(li)記·禮(li)運》關于大(da)同、小康的描繪(hui),發展成為具有一定系統性的“三(san)世(shi)說”歷(li)史(shi)(shi)哲學(xue),論(lun)(lun)證歷(li)史(shi)(shi)是進(jin)化的,變(bian)(bian)易和變(bian)(bian)革(ge)是歷(li)史(shi)(shi)的普(pu)遍法則。
何(he)休注《春秋(qiu)公(gong)羊傳(chuan)》時的進(jin)一步發揮:所(suo)見(jian)者(zhe)(zhe)(zhe),謂昭定(ding)哀,己(ji)與父時事(shi)也;所(suo)聞者(zhe)(zhe)(zhe),謂文宣成襄(xiang),王父時事(shi)也;所(suo)傳(chuan)聞者(zhe)(zhe)(zhe),謂隱桓莊閔僖,高(gao)祖(zu)曾(ceng)祖(zu)時事(shi)也。……於(wu)所(suo)傳(chuan)聞之(zhi)世(shi),見(jian)治(zhi)起於(wu)衰(shuai)亂之(zhi)中,用心尚粗糙,故(gu)內(nei)其國而(er)外(wai)諸(zhu)夏;……於(wu)所(suo)聞之(zhi)世(shi),見(jian)治(zhi)升(sheng)平,內(nei)諸(zhu)夏而(er)外(wai)夷狄;……至所(suo)見(jian)之(zhi)世(shi),著治(zhi)太(tai)平,夷狄進(jin)至於(wu)爵,天下(xia)遠(yuan)近大小若一。……所(suo)以三世(shi)者(zhe)(zhe)(zhe),禮為父母三年,為祖(zu)父母期,為曾(ceng)祖(zu)父母齊衰(shuai)三月,立愛自親始,故(gu)《春秋(qiu)》據哀錄隱,上治(zhi)祖(zu)禰(ni)。(《春秋(qiu)公(gong)羊經傳(chuan)解詁·隱公(gong)元年》)
照(zhao)何休的(de)解釋,春秋(qiu)二(er)百四(si)十二(er)年的(de)歷(li)史(shi),經過了(le)所傳聞的(de)衰亂(luan)世(shi)、所聞的(de)升平(ping)世(shi)和所見的(de)太平(ping)世(shi)這(zhe)樣三(san)(san)個階段。而所以會是三(san)(san)個階段者,蓋(gai)由(you)于“禮”是尚三(san)(san)的(de)等(deng)等(deng)。這(zhe)是何休的(de)歷(li)史(shi)進化論,公羊(yang)(yang)傳本身并(bing)沒(mei)有這(zhe)么多意思(si)。自(zi)東漢以后,封建(jian)社(she)會結構(gou)趨于穩定,主張(zhang)“尊(zun)(zun)古”的(de)古文經學(xue)(xue)更適于作為政治指導思(si)想,取代了(le)主張(zhang)“改制”、“變易”的(de)今文學(xue)(xue)說(shuo)的(de)尊(zun)(zun)崇地(di)位。今文公羊(yang)(yang)學(xue)(xue)說(shuo)從此消沉一千余(yu)年,迄(qi)清中葉方被重新提起(qi)。
《公(gong)羊傳(chuan)》寫定于漢(han)初,系用(yong)漢(han)代通行的(de)隸(li)書(shu)書(shu)寫,它是今文經學中富有理論色(se)彩(cai)的(de)代表性典籍。公(gong)羊學者認(ren)為(wei)(wei),《春秋(qiu)經》是孔子(zi)借春秋(qiu)242年(nian)史(shi)事以表示自己(ji)的(de)政(zheng)治觀點(dian),處處包含“微言大義”。這同(tong)古(gu)文學派(pai)認(ren)為(wei)(wei)《春秋(qiu)經》是一(yi)部歷(li)史(shi)著作(zuo)不同(tong)。
《公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)傳》其戰(zhan)國初至漢初的傳承系(xi)統是:子(zi)夏→公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)高→公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)平→公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)地→公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)敢→公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)壽→胡毋子(zi)都(dou)(生);公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)學派對(dui)《春(chun)秋》的研究開始僅口說流傳,至漢景帝時,胡母(mu)生和他的老師公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)壽用(yong)漢代的隸書“著(zhu)于竹帛(bo)”,才(cai)使(shi)《公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)傳》成書。
漢初(chu)傳《公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊(yang)》有三家(jia),司馬遷在(zai)(zai)《儒林(lin)列(lie)傳》中(zhong)說:“言《春(chun)秋(qiu)》于(yu)(yu)齊、魯自胡(hu)(hu)毋生,于(yu)(yu)趙自董仲舒(shu),……公(gong)(gong)(gong)孫弘(hong)治(zhi)《春(chun)秋(qiu)》不如董仲舒(shu)……故漢興至(zhi)于(yu)(yu)五世之間,唯董仲舒(shu)名為(wei)明(ming)于(yu)(yu)《春(chun)秋(qiu)》,其傳《公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊(yang)氏》也。胡(hu)(hu)毋生,齊人也,孝景(jing)時為(wei)博(bo)士,以老歸教授,齊之言《春(chun)秋(qiu)》者,多受胡(hu)(hu)毋生,公(gong)(gong)(gong)孫弘(hong)亦頗受焉。”在(zai)(zai)這三家(jia)中(zhong),盡管董仲舒(shu)是(shi)佼佼者,即他對《公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊(yang)》的(de)闡發比胡(hu)(hu)毋生與公(gong)(gong)(gong)孫弘(hong)深刻(ke),但始(shi)終只(zhi)是(shi)《公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊(yang)學(xue)》中(zhong)的(de)一派(pai),并非是(shi)《公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊(yang)》學(xue)的(de)唯一宗師。特別是(shi),東漢《公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊(yang)》學(xue)的(de)最大(da)代表何休,在(zai)(zai)其名著《公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊(yang)解詁》中(zhong),明(ming)確胡(hu)(hu)毋生是(shi)《公(gong)(gong)(gong)羊(yang)》宗師,而一個(ge)字都未提及董仲舒(shu)。
西漢初(chu)期,時代需要(yao)封建大一(yi)統(tong)(tong)的(de)(de)(de)政治(zhi)思想。《公(gong)羊春(chun)秋(qiu)》就(jiu)是(shi)齊學(xue)(xue)(xue)學(xue)(xue)(xue)者(zhe)(zhe)對孔子(zi)《春(chun)秋(qiu)》改造的(de)(de)(de)結果,因(yin)而受(shou)到了漢武帝(di)的(de)(de)(de)重視(shi)。漢景帝(di)時,胡母(mu)生(sheng)和董(dong)仲(zhong)舒(shu)被招為博士。二(er)人同(tong)業《公(gong)羊春(chun)秋(qiu)》(也有學(xue)(xue)(xue)者(zhe)(zhe)認(ren)為,他(ta)是(shi)胡母(mu)生(sheng)的(de)(de)(de)弟子(zi)),董(dong)仲(zhong)舒(shu)曾著書(shu)稱其德。正是(shi)董(dong)仲(zhong)舒(shu)、胡母(mu)生(sheng)為代表的(de)(de)(de)齊學(xue)(xue)(xue)學(xue)(xue)(xue)者(zhe)(zhe)將儒學(xue)(xue)(xue)理論改造成了符合大一(yi)統(tong)(tong)需要(yao)的(de)(de)(de)新(xin)儒學(xue)(xue)(xue),才取得(de)漢武帝(di)欣賞,獲(huo)得(de)了“罷(ba)黜百(bai)家,獨尊儒術”的(de)(de)(de)學(xue)(xue)(xue)術統(tong)(tong)治(zhi)地(di)位(wei)。胡母(mu)生(sheng)弟子(zi)眾多,有名(ming)的(de)(de)(de)除(chu)公(gong)孫弘外(wai),還有蘭陵褚大、東平嬴公(gong)、廣川段仲(zhong)、溫之(zhi)呂步舒(shu)。后來,又有齊人任公(gong)、貢(gong)禹、管路、左(zuo)咸、魯眭孟、顏安樂、嚴彭祖等均(jun)以治(zhi)《春(chun)秋(qiu)公(gong)羊傳》得(de)顯。
《公羊春秋(qiu)》在中(zhong)國傳統文化中(zhong)占有(you)(you)(you)重要地(di)位,東(dong)漢的何休、唐(tang)代的徐彥、清代中(zhong)后期常州學派的莊存與、孔廣森、劉逢祿、龔(gong)自(zi)珍、魏源,直到近代維新派的康有(you)(you)(you)為、梁啟超等,都是公羊學派中(zhong)有(you)(you)(you)影響(xiang)的人物。
1995年,蔣慶出版《公羊學引論(lun)》一書,為當代公羊學重興之濫觴。
《公(gong)羊(yang)傳(chuan)》的歷(li)史思(si)想(xiang)(xiang)比《谷梁傳(chuan)》更為豐富,其(qi)(qi)影(ying)響也更深遠。在漢代,公(gong)羊(yang)學大顯于(yu)世(shi)。魏(wei)晉以后雖經一千多年(nian)的消沉,至鴉片戰(zhan)爭前后卻重新復興,而且風靡一時,成為近代維新運動的思(si)想(xiang)(xiang)武器,并(bing)且是(shi)十九世(shi)紀、二十世(shi)紀之交中國思(si)想(xiang)(xiang)界接受(shou)西方(fang)進化(hua)論的思(si)想(xiang)(xiang)基礎(chu)。“公(gong)羊(yang)學”的產生和兩次盛行,是(shi)思(si)想(xiang)(xiang)史、史學史上發(fa)人深思(si)的歷(li)史現象(xiang),其(qi)(qi)秘密在于(yu)《公(gong)羊(yang)傳(chuan)》中蘊含(han)著一套(tao)獨(du)有的政治———歷(li)史哲學。
《公羊傳》寫定于漢初,系用(yong)漢代通(tong)行(xing)的(de)隸字書寫,它是今文(wen)經(jing)學中富有理(li)論色彩的(de)代表性典籍。公羊學者(zhe)認為,《春秋經(jing)》是孔子(zi)借春秋242年史(shi)事(shi)以表示自己的(de)政治(zhi)觀點,處處包含(han)“微言大義(yi)”。這(zhe)同古文(wen)學派認為《春秋經(jing)》是一(yi)部歷史(shi)著作不(bu)同。從這(zhe)一(yi)根本(ben)點出發,《公羊傳》包含(han)著一(yi)些可供人(ren)們發揮的(de)歷史(shi)思想:
第一,《公羊傳》認為(wei)孔(kong)子在《春(chun)秋經》中(zhong)貫(guan)穿了“大(da)一統”、“撥(bo)亂反正(zheng)”等政治“大(da)義”。大(da)力彰揚孔(kong)子擁戴周天子“天下共主”的(de)(de)立(li)場,作(zuo)為(wei)儒家思(si)想最重要的(de)(de)原則,為(wei)戰國(guo)晚期正(zheng)在進(jin)行的(de)(de)“統一”作(zuo)輿論的(de)(de)準(zhun)備(bei)。甚至直接成(cheng)為(wei)孔(kong)子專為(wei)漢代天子而制定的(de)(de)治國(guo)綱領!
第二(er),《公(gong)羊(yang)傳》又包(bao)含有歷史(shi)變易(yi)觀點(dian),人們(men)可以據之推演,劃分歷史(shi)的發(fa)展階段(duan)。此即著名的公(gong)羊(yang)三世說(shuo)。更重要的是,其對于三世異辭說(shuo)的解釋(shi)包(bao)含一(yi)個很寶(bao)貴的觀點(dian):不(bu)把春秋(qiu)242年(nian)視為鐵板一(yi)塊、凝固不(bu)變,而看(kan)作可按一(yi)定標準劃分為不(bu)同的發(fa)展階段(duan)。
第三,《公羊傳》專講(jiang)(jiang)“微言大(da)(da)義(yi)”。上述兩項都(dou)是極重要(yao)的(de)“微言大(da)(da)義(yi)”,其(qi)他明顯(xian)的(de)還(huan)有:隱公三年(nian)講(jiang)(jiang)譏世(shi)卿(qing);莊公四年(nian)講(jiang)(jiang)“九世(shi)復仇”;閔公元(yuan)年(nian)講(jiang)(jiang)“為尊者諱,為親者諱,為賢者諱”等。諸如(ru)此類都(dou)可以大(da)(da)加引申比附。
總(zong)括來說,《公羊傳》的歷(li)史哲學具有政治性(xing)、變易性(xing)和可比附(fu)性(xing)三(san)大特點,在儒(ru)家經典中并不多見。
《公羊(yang)傳(chuan)》的主要精神是(shi)宣揚儒(ru)家(jia)思想中撥亂反(fan)正、大義滅親,對(dui)亂臣(chen)賊子要無情鎮壓的一面,為強化中央專制集權和“大一統”服務。《公羊(yang)傳(chuan)》尤為今文(wen)經學派(pai)所推(tui)崇,是(shi)今文(wen)經學的重要典籍,歷(li)代今文(wen)經學家(jia)都常用它作為議論政治的工具。它也是(shi)研究戰國、秦、漢間儒(ru)家(jia)思想的重要資(zi)料。?
三傳今古文之爭
三傳(chuan)今古(gu)文之爭,自漢代到(dao)近代,仍然(ran)得(de)不到(dao)結論。四庫簡(jian)目(mu)綜評,左氏褒貶或(huo)有不確之處,但所述(shu)事實(shi),都是(shi)根據(ju)古(gu)代正史,如果(guo)不明事跡的始(shi)末,何能臆斷是(shi)非?所以,研(yan)讀春秋,必以左傳(chuan)為根柢。
《公(gong)(gong)羊傳(chuan)(chuan)》自子夏到公(gong)(gong)羊壽,經過六(liu)傳(chuan)(chuan),皆(jie)是(shi)口(kou)耳授(shou)受,又加經師(shi)附益,難免(mian)不失圣人之(zhi)意,然而大義相傳(chuan)(chuan),究(jiu)竟(jing)有其(qi)所受之(zhi)本。谷梁(liang)子與公(gong)(gong)羊同師(shi),文(wen)比公(gong)(gong)羊更少,但有些精(jing)義,或為公(gong)(gong)羊所不及。此論可謂公(gong)(gong)允。
左氏所記的(de)事實(shi),有很多是(shi)出乎一(yi)般人了解之(zhi)外者,如莊公(gong)八年(nian),齊侯在(zai)(zai)野外看(kan)見(jian)一(yi)頭大(da)豕,竟(jing)是(shi)冤(yuan)死(si)的(de)公(gong)子彭生所變(bian),齊侯怒而射之(zhi),豕人立而啼。又如昭公(gong)七年(nian),鄭子產講述禹王之(zhi)父(fu)鯀死(si)后化為黃熊(xiong)(一(yi)作熊(xiong))。其它尚(shang)有很多鬼神(shen)之(zhi)事,以(yi)(yi)(yi)及(ji)卜筮禍福(fu)之(zhi)期等(deng)。這在(zai)(zai)講究(jiu)現實(shi)人生的(de)學(xue)者看(kan)來,確是(shi)奇(qi)異。所以(yi)(yi)(yi)范寧在(zai)(zai)他的(de)谷梁傳序文里說:“左氏艷而富,其失也巫”。然(ran)而理藉事明,奇(qi)事愈多,則其供給學(xue)者的(de)見(jian)聞愈廣(guang),學(xue)者可以(yi)(yi)(yi)深悉前因后果,眼界為之(zhi)大(da)開(kai),探索經義自然(ran)便利。故以(yi)(yi)(yi)左傳為主,兼采(cai)公(gong)谷二家,實(shi)為研讀(du)春秋(qiu)的(de)正途。
傳(chuan)說《公羊(yang)傳(chuan)》是(shi)戰國時(shi)代公羊(yang)高編(bian)撰的(de),先(xian)是(shi)師徒(tu)口耳相傳(chuan),直到(dao)西漢(han)景帝時(shi)才寫(xie)定成書。和《左(zuo)傳(chuan)》《谷梁傳(chuan)》一(yi)樣(yang),《公羊(yang)傳(chuan)》開(kai)始是(shi)與《春(chun)秋(qiu)》分開(kai)流傳(chuan)的(de),大(da)概(gai)在西漢(han)后(hou)(hou)期哀(ai)帝時(shi),著名(ming)學者(zhe)劉歆“引傳(chuan)文以解經(jing)”,才把孔子編(bian)定的(de)魯國史(shi)書《春(chun)秋(qiu)》尊為(wei)(wei)“經(jing)”,把《左(zuo)氏春(chun)秋(qiu)》《公羊(yang)春(chun)秋(qiu)》《谷梁春(chun)秋(qiu)》稱為(wei)(wei)解釋經(jing)書的(de)“傳(chuan)”,后(hou)(hou)人以傳(chuan)附(fu)經(jing),合(he)(he)為(wei)(wei)一(yi)編(bian),從此便把這三本書合(he)(he)稱為(wei)(wei)“春(chun)秋(qiu)三傳(chuan)”。
《漢書·藝(yi)文(wen)志》的“春秋”類有:“《公(gong)羊(yang)傳(chuan)》十一卷”。班(ban)固注:“公(gong)羊(yang)子(zi),齊人(ren)。”唐代顏師古注:“名高”。“公(gong)羊(yang)”的含義(yi)是(shi)什么呢?有人(ren)認(ren)為是(shi)復姓,有人(ren)懷疑“公(gong)羊(yang)”、“谷(gu)梁”都(dou)是(shi),“卜商”(即子(zi)夏(xia))的轉音,近人(ren)蔡元(yuan)培、顧頡剛等認(ren)為“公(gong)”和“谷(gu)”雙(shuang)聲,“羊(yang)”和“梁”疊(die)韻,因而(er)“公(gong)羊(yang)”即是(shi)“谷(gu)梁”,這兩部書的作者可能是(shi)同(tong)一個(ge)人(ren),這種(zhong)分析不一定可信。
清代洪頤(yi)煊《經義叢(cong)鈔》認為,“明”字的古音(yin)讀“芒”,“芒”和“羊(yang)”同韻,所以(yi)“《春秋(qiu)》家公羊(yang)高,亦即《孟(meng)子》所謂公明高也”。此(ci)說也缺乏說服力。關于(yu)公羊(yang)子,正(zheng)史上沒有(you)發現其(qi)他(ta)記(ji)載。
《公(gong)(gong)羊傳(chuan)(chuan)》未成書之前(qian)(qian),口耳相傳(chuan)(chuan),它的(de)(de)傳(chuan)(chuan)承過程,據東漢何(he)休《春秋(qiu)公(gong)(gong)羊傳(chuan)(chuan)·序》唐徐彥疏引(yin)戴宏序說:“子(zi)(zi)(zi)夏(xia)傳(chuan)(chuan)與公(gong)(gong)羊高,高傳(chuan)(chuan)與其(qi)子(zi)(zi)(zi)平,平傳(chuan)(chuan)與其(qi)子(zi)(zi)(zi)地,地傳(chuan)(chuan)與其(qi)子(zi)(zi)(zi)敢,敢傳(chuan)(chuan)與其(qi)子(zi)(zi)(zi)壽。至漢景帝時,壽乃(nai)共弟子(zi)(zi)(zi)齊人胡(hu)毋子(zi)(zi)(zi)都(dou)著(zhu)于(yu)竹帛(bo)。”這段(duan)話有三點值得注意(yi):第一,說《公(gong)(gong)羊傳(chuan)(chuan)》傳(chuan)(chuan)自孔子(zi)(zi)(zi)的(de)(de)弟子(zi)(zi)(zi)子(zi)(zi)(zi)夏(xia)。第二,《公(gong)(gong)羊傳(chuan)(chuan)》的(de)(de)成書從子(zi)(zi)(zi)夏(xia)(生于(yu)魯定(ding)公(gong)(gong)二年(nian),即公(gong)(gong)元前(qian)(qian)507年(nian))到漢景帝初(公(gong)(gong)元前(qian)(qian)156年(nian)),經過了340年(nian)左(zuo)右。第三,漢景帝時,《公(gong)(gong)羊傳(chuan)(chuan)》才寫定(ding)成書。
關于(yu)第一點(dian),楊(yang)伯峻《經書(shu)淺談》指(zhi)出:“《公羊(yang)(yang)傳(chuan)》中(zhong)‘大(da)一統’這(zhe)個觀念,要(yao)(yao)在秦(qin)漢(han)以(yi)(yi)(yi)后才能(neng)有,這(zhe)就足以(yi)(yi)(yi)證明《公羊(yang)(yang)傳(chuan)》不出于(yu)子夏。”他又說:“總之,無論公羊(yang)(yang)高(gao)或(huo)谷梁赤,都未(wei)必是(shi)(shi)子夏的學生,托名子夏,不過借以(yi)(yi)(yi)自(zi)重罷了。”關于(yu)第二點(dian),戴宏所說的傳(chuan)承線索明顯有誤(wu),340年(nian)間公羊(yang)(yang)氏(shi)僅(jin)傳(chuan)五(wu)代,每代要(yao)(yao)相(xiang)距(ju)65年(nian)以(yi)(yi)(yi)上,這(zhe)是(shi)(shi)不可能(neng)的。關于(yu)第三(san)點(dian),說《公羊(yang)(yang)傳(chuan)》作于(yu)漢(han)景(jing)帝(di)時(shi),大(da)致可信(xin)。
《四庫(ku)全書總(zong)目提要·春(chun)秋公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)(yang)(yang)傳(chuan)注疏(shu)》認為:“今觀(guan)傳(chuan)中有‘子(zi)(zi)(zi)沈(shen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)曰(yue)(yue)’、‘子(zi)(zi)(zi)司馬子(zi)(zi)(zi)曰(yue)(yue)’、‘子(zi)(zi)(zi)女子(zi)(zi)(zi)曰(yue)(yue)’、‘子(zi)(zi)(zi)北宮子(zi)(zi)(zi)曰(yue)(yue)’,又有‘高子(zi)(zi)(zi)曰(yue)(yue)’、‘魯子(zi)(zi)(zi)曰(yue)(yue)’,蓋皆傳(chuan)授之經師,不(bu)盡出于(yu)公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)(yang)(yang)子(zi)(zi)(zi)。定公(gong)(gong)元年傳(chuan)‘正棺(guan)于(yu)兩楹之間’二句,《谷梁(liang)傳(chuan)》引之,直(zhi)稱‘沈(shen)子(zi)(zi)(zi)’,不(bu)稱‘公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)(yang)(yang)’,是(shi)并其不(bu)著(zhu)姓氏者,亦不(bu)盡出公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)(yang)(yang)子(zi)(zi)(zi)。且并有‘子(zi)(zi)(zi)公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)(yang)(yang)子(zi)(zi)(zi)曰(yue)(yue)’,尤(you)不(bu)出于(yu)(公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)(yang)(yang))高之明(ming)證。”《公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)(yang)(yang)傳(chuan)》既然(ran)(ran)是(shi)公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)(yang)(yang)子(zi)(zi)(zi)自(zi)(zi)己寫(xie)的(de),就不(bu)應引自(zi)(zi)己的(de)說法。由此可(ke)以證明(ming),《公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)(yang)(yang)傳(chuan)》的(de)作(zuo)者不(bu)是(shi)公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)(yang)(yang)高,自(zi)(zi)然(ran)(ran)更不(bu)是(shi)子(zi)(zi)(zi)夏(xia)所(suo)傳(chuan)的(de)。看來,《公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)(yang)(yang)傳(chuan)》可(ke)能是(shi)集體創作(zuo),最后由公(gong)(gong)羊(yang)(yang)(yang)(yang)壽和他的(de)弟子(zi)(zi)(zi)胡毋子(zi)(zi)(zi)都寫(xie)成書。