生平經歷
政變即位
元(yuan)(yuan)文宗(zong)(zong)(zong)孛(bei)兒(er)只(zhi)斤(jin)·圖帖(tie)睦爾(er),又(you)稱札牙篤皇(huang)帝(di),元(yuan)(yuan)武(wu)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)次子(zi)(zi),元(yuan)(yuan)明宗(zong)(zong)(zong)之(zhi)弟,母文獻(xian)昭圣(sheng)皇(huang)后(hou)(hou),唐兀氏。其父(fu)元(yuan)(yuan)武(wu)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)海(hai)山(shan)即(ji)位后(hou)(hou),立弟弟愛育黎拔力(li)八達為皇(huang)太子(zi)(zi),愛育黎拔力(li)八達即(ji)位后(hou)(hou),將(jiang)武(wu)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)的兒(er)子(zi)(zi)周王(wang)和世?(后(hou)(hou)來(lai)的元(yuan)(yuan)明宗(zong)(zong)(zong))和圖帖(tie)睦爾(er)流(liu)放(fang)到南境(jing)。圖帖(tie)睦爾(er)被流(liu)放(fang)至海(hai)南瓊州,泰定帝(di)也孫鐵(tie)木兒(er)即(ji)位后(hou)(hou)召還(huan)京,晉(jin)封懷王(wang),出居建康、江陵等地(di)。
致和(he)元年(nian)(nian)(1328年(nian)(nian))七月(yue),泰定帝死,知(zhi)樞(shu)密(mi)院事燕(yan)鐵(tie)木(mu)兒在(zai)(zai)發動(dong)大(da)(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)政(zheng)變,謀立(li)武(wu)宗長(chang)子周(zhou)王和(he)世(shi)(shi)?為(wei)(wei)帝,后(hou)以(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)路遠改立(li)圖帖(tie)睦爾(er)(er)。燕(yan)鐵(tie)木(mu)兒自大(da)(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)發難之(zhi)初(chu),即屬意(yi)于(yu)出藩江(jiang)陵的武(wu)宗次子圖帖(tie)睦爾(er)(er)為(wei)(wei)帝位(wei)繼承(cheng)人(ren)。雖然(ran)他“且宣(xuan)言(yan)已遣使北(bei)迎(ying)”武(wu)宗長(chang)子和(he)世(shi)(shi)?于(yu)北(bei)邊(bian),后(hou)來又矯稱(cheng)和(he)世(shi)(shi)?使者(zhe)南來,“云周(zhou)王從諸王兵(bing)整(zheng)駕南轅,旦(dan)夕即至矣”,但兩都(dou)(dou)之(zhi)戰(zhan)結束(shu)前,大(da)(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)政(zheng)權(quan)并(bing)沒有真正派使者(zhe)去邀約過和(he)世(shi)(shi)?南還。當(dang)時由大(da)(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)通往漠北(bei),不一定非取(qu)道上都(dou)(dou)。因(yin)此燕(yan)鐵(tie)木(mu)兒的這種做法,很難用兩京道路不通來解釋,應當(dang)別有用心。圖帖(tie)睦爾(er)(er)到達大(da)(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)的翌月(yue)(致和(he)元年(nian)(nian)九月(yue)),燕(yan)鐵(tie)木(mu)兒即以(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)“人(ren)心向(xiang)背之(zhi)機,間不容發”為(wei)(wei)諫,示意(yi)圖帖(tie)睦爾(er)(er)搶先即位(wei)。五天之(zhi)后(hou),圖帖(tie)睦爾(er)(er)在(zai)(zai)大(da)(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)稱(cheng)帝,以(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)當(dang)年(nian)(nian)為(wei)(wei)天歷元年(nian)(nian),同時宣(xuan)布“謹(jin)俟大(da)(da)(da)兄(xiong)之(zhi)至,以(yi)(yi)(yi)(yi)遂(sui)朕固讓之(zhi)心”。
上(shang)都克復后,圖帖睦爾迫于(yu)元仁(ren)(ren)宗在(zai)(zai)大(da)德末(mo)年(nian)(nian)“推奉(feng)圣兄、謙居(ju)(ju)儲貳”的(de)前例,遣使往迎和(he)(he)世?。寄居(ju)(ju)于(yu)西(xi)北宗藩封地的(de)和(he)(he)世?,這時(shi)剛滿三十(shi)歲(sui)。根據叔(shu)侄相繼原(yuan)則,他(ta)本應是(shi)仁(ren)(ren)宗的(de)帝位繼承人,卻被逼迫流(liu)落北徼,因而博得北方宗王的(de)普遍同(tong)情;仁(ren)(ren)、英(ying)兩朝加強漢法而引(yin)起的(de)草原(yuan)貴(gui)族(zu)的(de)不滿心理,可能(neng)更刺激起他(ta)們要(yao)把和(he)(he)世?推上(shang)大(da)汗寶座(zuo)的(de)政治(zhi)動(dong)機。所以當(dang)大(da)都使者抵臨時(shi),“朔(shuo)漠諸(zhu)王皆勸帝(按指和(he)(he)世?)南還京師”。和(he)(he)世?在(zai)(zai)一片擁戴聲中,飄(piao)然(ran)啟(qi)程,于(yu)天歷(li)(li)元年(nian)(nian)(1328)底(di)東至(zhi)金山。嶺(ling)北行(xing)省平章潑皮、出鎮北邊的(de)武寧王徹徹禿(tu)相繼西(xi)馳奉(feng)迎。和(he)(he)世?已完(wan)全陶醉在(zai)(zai)這番太平景象中。天歷(li)(li)二年(nian)(nian)(1329年(nian)(nian))正月末(mo),他(ta)在(zai)(zai)事先(xian)沒有告(gao)知(zhi)圖帖睦爾的(de)情況下,僅僅經(jing)過扈(hu)行(xing)的(de)察合臺宗王以及在(zai)(zai)場的(de)其他(ta)漠北諸(zhu)王、大(da)臣合議,就在(zai)(zai)和(he)(he)林之北即(ji)皇帝位。
明文之爭
但(dan)是,和(he)世(shi)(shi)?似(si)乎(hu)過高(gao)地估計(ji)了漠(mo)北輿情(qing)(qing)在決定嗣君(jun)人(ren)(ren)選方面的(de)(de)(de)影響力。他(ta)(ta)一(yi)(yi)心以為(wei)自己可(ke)以重演乃父(fu)武(wu)宗(zong)在皇弟(di)“肅清(qing)宮闈(wei)”之后(hou)從漠(mo)北南返(fan)即位(wei)的(de)(de)(de)歷史故事(shi),卻忘記了武(wu)宗(zong)作為(wei)總兵(bing)北邊的(de)(de)(de)統帥,是以三萬精兵(bing)相(xiang)扈從的(de)(de)(de)強大(da)武(wu)力為(wei)后(hou)盾而取得帝位(wei)的(de)(de)(de)。和(he)世(shi)(shi)?并(bing)沒(mei)有(you)直接控制強大(da)的(de)(de)(de)軍(jun)隊(dui),只(zhi)有(you)貼身衛士(shi)一(yi)(yi)千八百多人(ren)(ren);察(cha)合臺后(hou)王燕(yan)只(zhi)吉(ji)臺雖然與他(ta)(ta)一(yi)(yi)同南返(fan),但(dan)是也(ye)未見(jian)有(you)重兵(bing)隨行(xing)。和(he)世(shi)(shi)?欲憑極其有(you)限的(de)(de)(de)政治資源,去(qu)染指大(da)都集團幾經浴血奮(fen)戰才到手(shou)的(de)(de)(de)皇位(wei),前途本(ben)來(lai)就不容樂(le)觀。但(dan)他(ta)(ta)對(dui)此毫不經心,任情(qing)(qing)舉措(cuo),終于導致殺身之禍。四月,攜帶玉璽北迎和(he)世(shi)(shi)?的(de)(de)(de)燕(yan)鐵木兒一(yi)(yi)行(xing)至行(xing)在入覲。這個左(zuo)右(you)(you)大(da)都局勢的(de)(de)(de)蓋(gai)世(shi)(shi)功臣,現在要當面試探一(yi)(yi)下新君(jun)對(dui)他(ta)(ta)的(de)(de)(de)態度。和(he)世(shi)(shi)?雖然宣(xuan)布(bu)“凡京師(shi)百官(guan),朕弟(di)所用者(zhe),并(bing)仍(reng)其舊”,對(dui)燕(yan)鐵木兒“仍(reng)命(ming)為(wei)中書右(you)(you)丞相(xiang),開(kai)府(fu)儀同三司、上柱國(guo)(guo)、錄軍(jun)國(guo)(guo)重事(shi)、監修(xiu)國(guo)(guo)史、答剌罕、太(tai)平王并(bing)如故”,但(dan)是卻削去(qu)了他(ta)(ta)手(shou)中的(de)(de)(de)大(da)部分兵(bing)權,沒(mei)有(you)將(jiang)圖帖睦爾原(yuan)授的(de)(de)(de)知(zhi)樞密院(yuan)事(shi)一(yi)(yi)職重新委任給他(ta)(ta)。
對(dui)圖(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)爾來說,一經即位為帝(di),原(yuan)(yuan)先的(de)(de)“固讓之(zhi)心”也逐漸銷蝕。可是因為已有前言昭示(shi)天(tian)下(xia),他的(de)(de)心情(qing)十(shi)分矛(mao)盾。天(tian)歷元年(nian)(nian)(1328年(nian)(nian))十(shi)一月(yue),迎(ying)接(jie)和(he)世?到(dao)京(jing)即位的(de)(de)首批使臣(chen)離(li)開大(da)(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)。僅僅十(shi)幾天(tian)以后(hou)(hou),圖(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)爾又下(xia)令為自(zi)己(ji)的(de)(de)元妃卜(bu)答失里造(zao)皇(huang)(huang)后(hou)(hou)玉(yu)(yu)冊、玉(yu)(yu)寶。次年(nian)(nian)正月(yue),和(he)世?的(de)(de)使者抵(di)達大(da)(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)。圖(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)爾在(zai)明知大(da)(da)(da)兄(xiong)已決意南歸的(de)(de)情(qing)況下(xia),仍(reng)搶先完(wan)成以冊命皇(huang)(huang)后(hou)(hou)告(gao)于南郊、太(tai)廟,以及(ji)(ji)在(zai)大(da)(da)(da)明殿冊封皇(huang)(huang)后(hou)(hou)的(de)(de)一系列(lie)儀式。當(dang)時朝(chao)臣(chen)中有人(ren)建言:“陛下(xia)已詔天(tian)下(xia),讓位于大(da)(da)(da)兄(xiong)。今立(li)后(hou)(hou),是與詔自(zi)相違(wei)也。”圖(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)爾聞奏,“嘉(jia)其直,賜(si)金(jin)織文幣以旌之(zhi)。后(hou)(hou)聞之(zhi),亦(yi)有金(jin)幣之(zhi)賜(si)”;惟(wei)冊后(hou)(hou)典禮仍(reng)照行(xing)(xing)不誤。不過至少直到(dao)五(wu)月(yue)下(xia)旬,圖(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)爾自(zi)大(da)(da)(da)都(dou)(dou)北行(xing)(xing)、親迎(ying)和(he)世?的(de)(de)前后(hou)(hou),他還(huan)是準(zhun)備恪守(shou)讓位諾言的(de)(de)。出發后(hou)(hou)第(di)三天(tian),他在(zai)途中“置江(jiang)淮(huai)財(cai)賦(fu)都(dou)(dou)總管府(fu),秩正三品,隸(li)詹(zhan)事院”。這個機構初建于元朝(chao)滅宋之(zhi)后(hou)(hou),掌宋謝太(tai)后(hou)(hou)、福王獻納產(chan)業及(ji)(ji)賈(jia)似道等人(ren)田地所(suo)納賦(fu)稅,原(yuan)(yuan)隸(li)屬(shu)皇(huang)(huang)后(hou)(hou)中宮(gong),于大(da)(da)(da)德八(ba)年(nian)(nian)(1304年(nian)(nian))罷(ba)廢。圖(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)爾在(zai)此時恢復江(jiang)淮(huai)財(cai)賦(fu)府(fu)的(de)(de)建制,并將它改隸(li)東宮(gong)官署(shu)詹(zhan)事院,顯(xian)然是為自(zi)己(ji)日后(hou)(hou)以皇(huang)(huang)太(tai)子身分控制這筆重(zhong)要的(de)(de)財(cai)產(chan)資(zi)源預作準(zhun)備。
圖(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)(mu)爾用了(le)一(yi)個多月(yue),才(cai)走完從(cong)大都(dou)(dou)到上(shang)(shang)都(dou)(dou)這(zhe)段沉重的路程(cheng)。在(zai)上(shang)(shang)都(dou)(dou)停留或(huo)有(you)二旬,再(zai)取原路趨赴旺忽(hu)察都(dou)(dou)(在(zai)今河北(bei)(bei)張(zhang)北(bei)(bei)縣(xian)境(jing),是為(wei)(wei)大都(dou)(dou)至(zhi)上(shang)(shang)都(dou)(dou)驛(yi)路的大拐角處(chu),武宗(zong)(zong)時建(jian)行宮于茲,故名中都(dou)(dou)),與(yu)和(he)世?會面。八(ba)月(yue)一(yi)日,和(he)世?抵達旺忽(hu)察都(dou)(dou)。次(ci)日,圖(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)(mu)爾見大兄于行宮。和(he)世?設宴待皇(huang)弟及諸王、大臣。兄弟歡合的場面前后(hou)未滿(man)五天(tian),和(he)世?即(ji)于八(ba)月(yue)六日“暴崩”。圖(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)(mu)爾“入臨(lin)哭盡哀。鐵(tie)燕木兒以明(ming)宗(zong)(zong)后(hou)之命,奉(feng)皇(huang)帝寶授(shou)于帝”,遂簇(cu)擁圖(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)(mu)爾疾驅還上(shang)(shang)都(dou)(dou),一(yi)路上(shang)(shang)“晝則率宿衛(wei)士以扈從(cong),夜則躬(gong)擐(huan)甲胃繞幄殿巡(xun)護”。八(ba)月(yue)十五日,圖(tu)帖(tie)睦(mu)(mu)爾在(zai)返回上(shang)(shang)都(dou)(dou)的第(di)六天(tian)再(zai)次(ci)勿匆即(ji)位,是為(wei)(wei)文宗(zong)(zong)。明(ming)宗(zong)(zong)和(he)世?在(zai)天(tian)歷之變中暴卒的詳(xiang)情(qing),可(ke)能已(yi)永遠成(cheng)為(wei)(wei)歷史的秘密(mi)。和(he)世?之子妥歡貼睦(mu)(mu)爾親政后(hou),為(wei)(wei)撤文宗(zong)(zong)廟(miao)主詔告天(tian)下曰(yue):“文宗(zong)(zong)稔惡(e)不悛,當(dang)躬(gong)迓之際,乃(nai)與(yu)其臣月(yue)魯不花(hua)、也里(li)牙(ya)、明(ming)理董阿等謀為(wei)(wei)不軌,使我皇(huang)考飲恨上(shang)(shang)賓(bin)。”至(zhi)順元年(nian)(1330),也里(li)牙(ya)得(de)復(fu)秦國公爵(jue)位,其姻親鎖住亦(yi)再(zai)仕(shi)為(wei)(wei)將作使,應即(ji)文宗(zong)(zong)對他(ta)們參與(yu)謀殺(sha)和(he)世?的獎賞。但同(tong)年(nian)七月(yue),鎖住、也里(li)牙(ya)等人“以坐(zuo)怨望、造符錄、祭(ji)北(bei)(bei)斗(dou)、咒咀”伏誅,與(yu)之有(you)牽連的明(ming)宗(zong)(zong)舊(jiu)人索羅等亦(yi)一(yi)起(qi)被殺(sha)。屠寄認(ren)為(wei)(wei),“也里(li)牙(ya)景教徒,必無造符錄、祭(ji)北(bei)(bei)斗(dou)事,蓋不便論其本(ben)辠,虛構(gou)獄(yu)辭,以飾(shi)觀聽耳”。
至順文治
文宗(zong)的漢文化修養超過在(zai)他(ta)之前的所(suo)(suo)有(you)元(yuan)朝(chao)皇帝(di)。他(ta)的書法(fa),“落(luo)筆過人(ren),得(de)唐太宗(zong)晉祠碑風,遂益超詣”。他(ta)還會(hui)作畫,所(suo)(suo)繪“萬歲山畫”草圖,“意匠、經營、格法(fa),雖積(ji)學專(zhuan)工,所(suo)(suo)莫能及”。他(ta)曾經轉輾流(liu)落(luo)于江南、海南和(he)荊湖(hu),對(dui)當時(shi)民情也應有(you)相當的了解。不過,文宗(zong)卻處在(zai)一個很難有(you)所(suo)(suo)作為(wei)的時(shi)代。天歷(li)年間(jian)連續(xu)兩次重(zhong)大的變故,致(zhi)使蒙(meng)古(gu)色目上(shang)層人(ren)心離散。兩都(dou)(dou)戰后遭籍(ji)沒財產的官員(yuan)貴族在(zai)百人(ren)以(yi)上(shang);對(dui)隔絕在(zai)圍(wei)城中的上(shang)都(dou)(dou)官員(yuan),后來雖然停(ting)止追究,但(dan)很多(duo)仍被削去官職不復任用。明宗(zong)被弒,蒙(meng)古(gu)朝(chao)官中即有(you)人(ren)“移疾不出”,有(you)諸(zhu)王、高級官員(yuan)甚至(zhi)西域名僧參與(yu)的“謀不軌”案(an)接連發生,有(you)的逕以(yi)“明宗(zong)太子(zi)”為(wei)號召。
天歷元年(nian)(1328年(nian))四(si)川(chuan)平(ping)章政事(shi)(shi)囊(nang)加(jia)臺舉(ju)兵,實(shi)際上(shang)是(shi)(shi)“欲翊戴明(ming)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)”;和(he)世(shi)(shi)?一死,文宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)擔心原(yuan)已詔赦的(de)囊(nang)加(jia)臺復舉(ju)事(shi)(shi),立即(ji)以(yi)其“指斥乘輿,坐大(da)不道棄(qi)市”。云南(nan)(nan)(nan)行省丞相(xiang)也兒吉(ji)尼是(shi)(shi)武宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)舊臣乞臺普濟之子,本人亦(yi)曾扈武宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)鎮北(bei)。天歷元年(nian)文宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)即(ji)位后(hou)(hou)(hou),兩次召(zhao)也兒吉(ji)尼入(ru)朝,不至。他(ta)不大(da)可能站在(zai)上(shang)都(dou)一邊反對(dui)武宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)后(hou)(hou)(hou)人;抗命不至,當是(shi)(shi)出于(yu)效忠(zhong)和(he)世(shi)(shi)?的(de)立場。二(er)年(nian)三月(yue),也兒吉(ji)尼大(da)概猶疑動(dong)搖,想要投奔文宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong),故被云南(nan)(nan)(nan)諸王及其他(ta)省官黜斥,取道八番赴(fu)大(da)都(dou)。六(liu)月(yue),明(ming)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)南(nan)(nan)(nan)歸(gui)途(tu)中曾“賜駙馬(ma)脫必(bi)(bi)兒鈔千錠(ding),往(wang)云南(nan)(nan)(nan)”。直到(dao)明(ming)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)暴(bao)死、文宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)再即(ji)位之后(hou)(hou)(hou),云南(nan)(nan)(nan)諸王禿(tu)堅等才最(zui)后(hou)(hou)(hou)改變觀望態度,于(yu)至順元年(nian)正(zheng)月(yue)公開稱(cheng)兵。戰火彌(mi)漫(man)整個滇東北(bei),元廷先(xian)(xian)后(hou)(hou)(hou)調四(si)川(chuan)、江浙、河南(nan)(nan)(nan)、江西、陜西、朵甘思、朵思麻(ma)等處軍隊,歷時(shi)年(nian)余,方始(shi)平(ping)亂(luan)。自忽(hu)必(bi)(bi)烈朝以(yi)來(lai),蒙古高層內部的(de)躁動(dong)不穩,以(yi)文宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)朝為(wei)甚。所(suo)以(yi)陳思謙在(zai)至順元年(nian)“建(jian)(jian)明(ming)八事(shi)(shi)”,除了“正(zheng)君道”外(wai),最(zui)先(xian)(xian)提到(dao)的(de)就是(shi)(shi)“結(jie)人心”;虞(yu)集為(wei)殿試擬制策,亦(yi)首以(yi)“勸(quan)親親,體群臣,同一風(feng)俗,協和(he)萬邦”為(wei)問。由于(yu)政治和(he)經濟環境的(de)限制,文宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)臨朝四(si)年(nian)間(jian),只好(hao)專心著意,以(yi)追求振興文治的(de)表面效果為(wei)滿足。通過(guo)建(jian)(jian)立奎(kui)章閣學士(shi)院和(he)修(xiu)撰(zhuan)《經世(shi)(shi)大(da)典》,他(ta)將當時(shi)幾乎所(suo)有的(de)名儒都(dou)籠絡在(zai)自己周圍(wei),用虛崇文儒的(de)手段來(lai)收攬(lan)漢(han)地民心。
晚年逝世
文宗(zong)重祚以后,修《經世(shi)大(da)(da)典》,建圭章閣,欲興文治(zhi)。但是文宗(zong)在(zai)位期間(jian),丞相燕帖木(mu)兒自持有功,玩弄朝(chao)廷,元朝(chao)朝(chao)政(zheng)更(geng)加(jia)腐敗,國勢更(geng)加(jia)衰落。文宗(zong)在(zai)位期間(jian)國內(nei)多爆發農民起義,大(da)(da)動(dong)亂正在(zai)醞釀(niang)之中(zhong)。
至順三年(1332年)八月,文(wen)宗(zong)病死,終年29歲(sui),死前自悔謀害兄長之事,吐露真(zhen)情,遺詔立明(ming)宗(zong)之子以自贖。死后葬起輦谷,廟號(hao)文(wen)宗(zong),謚號(hao)圣明(ming)元孝皇(huang)帝(di),尊號(hao)(汗(han)號(hao))札牙篤汗(han)。
文宗(zong)臨(lin)終(zhong)前囑咐道:“昔者(zhe)晃忽叉(即旺忽察(cha)都(dou))之事,為朕平生大錯。朕嘗中(zhong)夜(ye)思之,悔之無(wu)及(ji)”。他決意傳位給明(ming)宗(zong)長子妥(tuo)歡貼睦爾(er)(er)。當(dang)時權傾天下的燕鐵(tie)木兒擔心事情敗露,決定封鎖文宗(zong)遺(yi)詔,傳位給明(ming)宗(zong)次子懿磷(lin)質班,是為寧(ning)宗(zong)。年僅7歲的寧(ning)宗(zong)在位53天后得(de)病而死。燕鐵(tie)木兒千方百計阻擾妥(tuo)歡貼睦爾(er)(er)繼位,直到燕鐵(tie)木兒病死,妥(tuo)歡貼睦爾(er)(er)才登基稱帝。當(dang)年翊戴明(ming)宗(zong)、文宗(zong)奪位的伯顏(yan)起而代(dai)之,拜中(zhong)書右丞相,進封秦王,在與(yu)燕鐵(tie)木兒子、左丞相唐其(qi)勢爭奪權勢的斗(dou)爭中(zhong)取勝(sheng)。此(ci)后,伯顏(yan)“獨秉國鈞,專權自恣,變亂祖宗(zong)成(cheng)憲,虐害天下,漸(jian)有奸謀(mou)”。
為政舉措
在文(wen)化方面(mian), 文(wen)宗作(zuo)出了很(hen)大的貢(gong)獻, 他(ta)重(zhong)視(shi)文(wen)治(zhi)(zhi),為(wei)文(wen)化的發(fa)展作(zuo)出了很(hen)大的貢(gong)獻。他(ta)在位期間,創建奎章(zhang)閣,編修《經世大典》,為(wei)研(yan)究(jiu)元朝(chao)的歷史提供了一筆寶貴的財富(fu),但元文(wen)宗崇(chong)尚佛(fo)教,走向極端,一是(shi)(shi)(shi)帝師的規格太高,二是(shi)(shi)(shi)某(mou)些(xie)徒(tu)屬依(yi)權恃勢,為(wei)非作(zuo)歹,三(san)是(shi)(shi)(shi)濫做佛(fo)事(shi),耗(hao)資巨(ju)大,四是(shi)(shi)(shi)佛(fo)教徒(tu)干預朝(chao)政(zheng),五是(shi)(shi)(shi)創立(li)廣教總管府,以掌僧尼之政(zheng),全(quan)國共設置16所,“秩正三(san)品”。僧尼可(ke)免一切(qie)差(cha)徭,而其它宗教則(ze)(ze)奉行祖制(zhi)。當時色(se)目(mu)人在朝(chao)廷上的政(zheng)治(zhi)(zhi)勢力(li)被削弱(ruo),而欽察官僚集團(tuan)則(ze)(ze)權勢大增,燕鐵木兒擅權恣縱,政(zheng)事(shi)一決于(yu)他(ta),導致貴族統(tong)治(zhi)(zhi)集團(tuan)內部尖(jian)銳的矛盾。
歷史評價
清朝史學家邵遠平《元史類(lei)編》的評價是:“冊曰:應變戡亂,莫匪爾勞(lao);璽綬雖(sui)去(qu),太阿已操(cao);前車所鑒,燭影斧聲;從來疑(yi)案,多(duo)在弟兄。”
清朝史學家魏源(yuan)《元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)史新編(bian)》的評價是:“元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)代(dai)諸帝(di)不(bu)(bu)習(xi)漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen),凡(fan)(fan)有(you)(you)(you)(you)章奏,皆(jie)(jie)由(you)翻(fan)譯(yi)。其(qi)讀漢(han)(han)(han)書而不(bu)(bu)用(yong)翻(fan)譯(yi)者,前(qian)惟太子(zi)真(zhen)金,從(cong)王(wang)惲(yun)、王(wang)恂受學。后惟文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)潛邸,自(zi)通漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen)而已。《書畫(hua)譜(pu)》言,文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)在潛邸時(shi),召畫(hua)師房(fang)大(da)(da)年,俾圖京(jing)師萬(wan)歲山。大(da)(da)年以(yi)(yi)未至其(qi)地辭,文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)遂取筆(bi)布(bu)畫(hua)位(wei)(wei)(wei)置(zhi),頃刻立(li)就,命大(da)(da)年按稿圖上。大(da)(da)年得稿敬藏之(zhi),意匠經(jing)營,雖積學專工,有(you)(you)(you)(you)所未及。始(shi)知文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)之(zhi)多材多藝(yi)也。及踐阼后,開奎章閣,招集儒臣,撰備《經(jing)世(shi)大(da)(da)典》數(shu)百(bai)卷,宏綱(gang)巨目,禮樂兵農,燦然開一代(dai)文(wen)(wen)(wen)明(ming)之(zhi)治。即其(qi)聲(sheng)色儉澹,亦遠勝武(wu)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong),此豈庸(yong)主所希及哉!使其(qi)迎立(li)明(ming)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)之(zhi)日,亦如仁(ren)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)之(zhi)退處東宮(gong),他(ta)(ta)日明(ming)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)復如武(wu)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)之(zhi)傳仁(ren)廟,則(ze)一代(dai)而勝事(shi)再見,雖殷人弟兄世(shi)及,何以(yi)(yi)過此!《易(yi)》曰:‘開國承家,小人勿用(yong)。’文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)之(zhi)得大(da)(da)位(wei)(wei)(wei)也,以(yi)(yi)燕(yan)帖(tie)木兒;其(qi)得罪萬(wan)世(shi)也,亦以(yi)(yi)燕(yan)帖(tie)木兒。語(yu)曰:‘治世(shi)之(zhi)能(neng)臣,亂(luan)世(shi)之(zhi)奸雄。’文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)之(zhi)不(bu)(bu)隕(yun)于太平王(wang)手(shou)者,亦幸矣哉!”(魏源(yuan)說(shuo)“元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)代(dai)諸帝(di)不(bu)(bu)習(xi)漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen),凡(fan)(fan)有(you)(you)(you)(you)章奏,皆(jie)(jie)由(you)翻(fan)譯(yi)。”此事(shi)并不(bu)(bu)符合歷史事(shi)實(shi),這(zhe)(zhe)和(he)他(ta)(ta)了解的相(xiang)關書籍不(bu)(bu)多有(you)(you)(you)(you)關。事(shi)實(shi)上,真(zhen)金太子(zi)和(he)元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)的漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen)學修(xiu)(xiu)養的確很高(gao)(gao),除此之(zhi)外(wai),還有(you)(you)(you)(you)很多位(wei)(wei)(wei)元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)朝帝(di)王(wang)有(you)(you)(you)(you)很高(gao)(gao)的漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen)學修(xiu)(xiu)養。根據史料(liao), 元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)世(shi)祖(zu)、元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)仁(ren)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)、元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)英宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)、元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)、元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)惠(hui)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)、元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)昭宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong),均(jun)有(you)(you)(you)(you)很高(gao)(gao)的漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen)化修(xiu)(xiu)養,其(qi)中(zhong),元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)世(shi)祖(zu)、元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)文(wen)(wen)(wen)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)、元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)惠(hui)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)、元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)昭宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)這(zhe)(zhe)四位(wei)(wei)(wei)帝(di)王(wang)有(you)(you)(you)(you)漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen)詩傳世(shi)。元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)仁(ren)宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)、元(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)(yuan)英宗(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)(zong)都受到過良好的漢(han)(han)(han)學教育,都有(you)(you)(you)(you)很高(gao)(gao)的漢(han)(han)(han)文(wen)(wen)(wen)學修(xiu)(xiu)養。
清(qing)朝史學(xue)家曾廉(lian)《元書(shu)》的評價是:“論曰:元自文宗,始親郊(jiao)祀,禮彬彬焉。尊崇圣(sheng)賢之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)典(dian),至(zhi)是益(yi)隆,而開(kai)奎(kui)章(zhang)閣以致(zhi)儒臣,考文章(zhang),論治(zhi)道,勤(qin)于延訪,可以為文矣。然幾沉而氣(qi)銳,抑亦(yi)吳閭庭(ting)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)流也。其(qi)言泰定(ding)帝通(tong)賊臣,陰謀(mou)冒干(gan)寶位(wei),嗚呼!文宗將毋其(qi)自道之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)也!興且晉邸,日有盟書(shu),周王可必其(qi)終(zhong)為泰伯(bo)乎?文宗之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)深心乃以讓(rang),濟其(qi)忍(ren),然后(hou)足固其(qi)威福也,豈不險哉!生則欺人,死(si)而猶飾,故地碎其(qi)主,春秋(qiu)震夷(yi)伯(bo)之(zhi)(zhi)(zhi)廟(miao),所(suo)謂有隱慝者乎?”
清末民初(chu)史(shi)(shi)學家屠寄《蒙(meng)兀兒(er)史(shi)(shi)記》的評價是:“汗(han)舊勞于(yu)(yu)外,多藝好文(wen)。在建康潛邸時,忽憶京師萬歲山,召畫師房大(da)(da)(da)年(nian)(nian)圖(tu)之(zhi),大(da)(da)(da)年(nian)(nian)以未至(zhi)(zhi)其(qi)地辭,汗(han)自取筆,布畫位(wei)置(zhi),頃刻立就,命大(da)(da)(da)年(nian)(nian)按稿(gao)圖(tu)上。大(da)(da)(da)年(nian)(nian)得稿(gao)敬藏(zang)之(zhi),意(yi)匠經營,雖積學專(zhuan)工(gong),有所未及。即位(wei)后首建奎(kui)章閣(ge),御制記文(wen),集儒臣(chen)(chen)閣(ge)中備(bei)顧問,敕(chi)編《經世大(da)(da)(da)典》,保存一代(dai)制度。性(xing)愛典禮(li),欲革蒙(meng)兀腥(xing)膻本俗(su),則躬服(fu)袞冕,虔祀郊廟。又慎于(yu)(yu)用刑,行樞(shu)密院嘗當(dang)云(yun)南逃(tao)(tao)軍(jun)二人(ren)(ren)死罪,汗(han)謂:‘臨陣而逃(tao)(tao),死宜也。彼非逃(tao)(tao)戰,輒當(dang)以死,何視人(ren)(ren)命之(zhi)易耶?’杖而流之(zhi)。天(tian)歷(li)初(chu)抗命諸(zhu)王大(da)(da)(da)臣(chen)(chen),臨事(shi)故多誅(zhu)殺,其(qi)它竄黜者,事(shi)后多蒙(meng)召還,或(huo)仍(reng)錄用。至(zhi)(zhi)于(yu)(yu)嚴(yan)懲贓吏,尊信老成,節諸(zhu)王駙馬朝會芻粟賞賜之(zhi)財,汰宿(su)衛(wei)鷹坊饔(yong)人(ren)(ren)僧徒冗食(shi)之(zhi)數。諸(zhu)所設(she)施(shi),實一代(dai)恭儉守文(wen)之(zhi)令主也。惟得國不正,隱虧天(tian)倫,且授(shou)權燕鐵木兒(er)太甚(shen),未能(neng)大(da)(da)(da)有為。”
民國官(guan)修正史(shi)《新(xin)元(yuan)史(shi)》柯劭忞(min)的評價是:“燕鐵木(mu)兒(er)挾震主之(zhi)威,專權用事。文宗垂(chui)拱于上,無所可(ke)否,日與文字(zi)之(zhi)士從容翰墨(mo)而(er)已。昔(xi)漢靈帝(di)好詞賦,召樂松等待詔(zhao)鴻都門,蔡邕(yong)露章(zhang)極諫(jian),斥為(wei)俳優。況區區書畫之(zhi)玩乎?君子以是知元(yuan)祚之(zhi)哀也。
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